WASHINGTON--With so many in the Bush administration able to speak
Spanish, the phrase "No aprende ni a palos"should
have a familiar ring. If not, one need only examine the White House's
recent actions regarding Venezuela to understand that the words refer to
someone who never learns--just doesn't seem to get it--even when hit
upside the head with a stick.
How else to explain why for the second time in eight months, the
administration recklessly threw its weight behind the political
opposition in that very volatile country at a moment when choosing sides
threatened to trigger an explosive reaction.
| ___ Desde Washington ___ Guatemala Falling from Favor A belated response to Washington's concerns about drug corrution hurts Central America's largest country.
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Marcela Sanchez also reports daily in Spanish about local Washington news at 6 p.m. on Univision. Watch the Video. | | |
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Marcela Sanchez also reports daily in Spanish about local Washington news on Univision. Watch the Video
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By forcefully calling on Friday for early--and therefore
unconstitutional--presidential elections, the administration jeopardized
the delicate balance developing in Caracas after weeks of negotiations
between President Hugo Chavez's government and its democratic opponents.
Facilitated by Cesar Gaviria, the secretary general of the Organization
of American States, the talks have been the best hope for a peaceful
solution to a long-simmering crisis.
Within 72 hours the Bush administration modified its stance,
calling for a referendum, something the constitution does allow. By
then, however, Washington had cast again doubt on its commitment to
uncensored democracy in the region.
The United States behaved similarly and with apparent impunity in
April, when it prematurely recognized a short-lived government that
ousted Chavez in a coup d'etat. This reprise was unnecesary and not
helpful.
Latin America would be better off if Washington could learn from
its mistakes. The region needs the leader of the free world to be more
patient and less willing to publicly air his likes and dislikes. It
needs a White House that better understands that in situations like the
one in Venezuela, its actions--or lack thereof--send signals to either
or both sides in the dispute.
Now, more than ever, such patience with evolving democracies is
essential. Newly elected leaders in countries like Brazil or Ecuador
need assurances that the United States will stand up for democracy
regardless of ideological differences.
That clearly has not been the case with Venezuela, where a striking
lack of diplomatic finesse at a critical moment could have darkened the
storm clouds still gathering over the presidential palace at Miraflores.
The call for early elections took many by surprise, including some
at the State Department, where one official said the White House had
gotten a "little in front of the curve." That was understandable,
however, the official said, a case of human error. Nothing more.
Another State Department official said the action was deliberate, a
conscious "refinement" of the U.S. position that was warranted by a
"heightened state of crisis" in Venezuela that Chavez persistently
dismisses as "normal." Washington, according to this line of thought,
was simply expressing what so many others in the hemisphere were
thinking but were reluctant to say. Perhaps.
The White House statement, issued Friday and shamelessly revised on
Monday, came just hours before representatives of the 34 OAS member
states met to consider Chavez's request for full support. That
coincidence prompted some diplomats here to conclude that Washington was
throwing its weight around, a scare tactic designed to pre-emptively
quash pro-Chavez sentiments. If such was the intent, it is unclear how
effective the strategy was.
Late Monday night, after nearly 30 hours of debate, the OAS issued
a resolution backing Chavez only by inference. It called for supporting
democracy in Venezuela, "whose government is headed by ... Chavez."
With that oblique endorsement of Chavez as the coincidental status
quo, the organization seemed to be hoping that neither side in Venezuela
would interpret the resolution as a victory and use it against the
other. Indeed, the risks were so high that for some time during the
deliberations, some advocated that the organization say nothing rather
than something it later would regret.
At the end of the debate, Washington advised Venezuela to look to
others in the region for guidance. The exact reference was unmentioned
but obvious: Argentina. Faced earlier this year with the prospect of an
increasingly violent situation getting completely out of hand,
Argentinian President Eduardo Duhalde turned to an electoral solution.
That move, perfectly legal under Argentina's constitution, helped reduce
tension in that financially, politically and socially strapped nation,
many here this week said.
There is a key difference in these two cases. Duhalde's call in
Argentina came from someone who had no direct stake in the election
outcome, since he is not a candidate. The U.S. call echoed the position
of Chavez's opponents, whose open agenda is to oust him.
The Bush administration was harshly criticized for a nearly
identical mistake eight months ago. Sometimes even the mighty fail to
learn from the stick.