Remember that depressing model schedule that said congressmen should spend half their days fundraising? They ignore it.
Emory political scientist Joanna Shepherd finds that judges who get business donations for their campaigns tend to lean in business's favor.
Even if tea party groups' nonprofit status applications had been denied, there's no way they would have paid real taxes. They just would have had to disclose donors.
The problem wasn't that the IRS was skeptical of these tea party groups. It's that it hasn't been skeptical of Organizing for America and Crossroads GPS.
"When I send out a fundraising e-mail talking about how bad Republicans are, I raise three times as much as when I send out an e-mail talking about how good I am."
They would have a filibuster-proof super-majority in the Senate, a majority in the House, a 5-4 majority on the Supreme Court, and a man in the White House.
Remember when Sheldon Adelson was going to buy the election? It didn't work. So what does that tell us?
Ron Wyden and Lisa Murkowski want to make super-PACs disclose their donors. But will their bill actually make a difference?
Are campaign contributions central to corporate lobbying efforts? If the now-bankrupt Enron Corporation is any indication, the answer is no.
Ever wanted to be in Congress? This slide will make you reconsider.
Abramoff's reinvention as an anti-corruption crusader is fascinating, if perhaps a bit predictable.
The Grassroots Democracy Act represent the first public financing proposal to directly address the issue of super-PACs. If Democrats retake Congress, that could give it a crucial edge over rival bills.
Yale law professors Bruce Ackerman and Ian Ayres proposed making campaign donations secret the same way votes are.