Think back to Mitt Romney's proposed budget. The only big cuts Romney ever proposed were to programs that aid the poor. Paul Ryan's budget was similar, though less extreme. But the White House won't even consider those cuts. And so the GOP is a bit lost.
Chrystia Freeland: "There’s a great joke on Wall Street which is that the bet on Romney is Wall Street’s worst bet since the bet on subprime...The big Romney backers I was talking to were sure he was going to win. They were all flying into Logan airport for the victory party. There’s this stunned feeling of how could we be so wrong, and a feeling of alienation."
When Romney thinks he's behind closed doors and he's just telling other people like him how politics really works, the picture he paints is so ugly as to be bordering on dystopic. It's not just about class, but about worth, and legitimacy.
Remember Romney's idea to cap deductions at $15,000 or $25,000? It was a good idea, though not sufficient to pay for his tax plan. But it's might make a comeback in the austerity negotiations...
A campaign's message isn't some free-floating concept unmoored from reality or strategic thinking. Messages are tied down by circumstance. And the attacks on Mitt Romney's messaging forget why he adopted the message he ultimately did.
Republicans have some tough questions to answer about this election. But if the plan is to try and tell themselves that everything would've worked out if not for that meddling storm, they're not going to end up with very useful answers.
The moderate Republicans endorsing Romney have been clinging to the same premise. "Let's assume we have a Democratic Senate," they begin.
It's always possible that the polls are wrong. But they'd have to be wildly off for Romney to win.
When we look at Mitt Romney’s career and see a coreless opportunist, we’re just looking at the wrong data. But what does looking at the right data actually tell us about why Romney wants to be president, and what kind of president he'd be?
Mitt Romney won't say how his tax plan adds up. Wonkblog created a tax policy calculator that lets you do the work for him. So go on, give it a try. Reform the tax code.
This shouldn’t need to be said, but spending cuts have consequences. If we're really going to cut 40 percent from all programs that aren't Medicare, Social Security, and defense, it's going to hurt.
It's time to just say this clearly: A straightforward read of the polls suggests we're likely to see Mitt Romney win the popular vote and Barack Obama win the electoral college -- and, thus, the presidency. But most pollsters don't think that will happen.
Will Romney make the choice that's most consistent with conservative orthodoxy and the bulk of his rhetoric over the last year? Or will he make the choice that's most consistent with a strong recovery as the deleveraging cycle plays itself out?
At Tuesday's debate, Mitt Romney had an opportunity to distance himself from George W. Bush once and for all. He didn't. In fact, he showed how close his policies are to Bush's 2000 platform.
Giving aid to the best students encourages them to take worse college offers.
Mitt Romney doesn't just want to cap deductions and lower rates. He also wants to reverse cuts meant to help the poor.
My colleague Glenn Kessler asked the Romney campaign to substantiate their claim that his policies will create 12 million jobs during his first term. The results were, as the kids say, LOL-worthy.
Political scientists Michael Tomz and Robert van Houweling, of Stanford and Berkeley respectively, have found that vagueness is actually an asset for political candidates. Which is good news for Mitt Romney.
As the Republican party has moved to the right in recent years, so too has our standard for what counts as a moderate Republican. These days, if you’re willing to admit that President Obama was probably born in the United States, and that someone, somewhere, might occasionally have to pay taxes, then congratulations, you’re a moderate Republican!
A fair read of his policies makes it clear that Romney wants to make it impossible for any state to follow Massachusetts’s example on health care -- and perhaps impossible for Massachusetts to keep the very plan Romney passed going.