One of Brown’s earliest legislative victories was persuading his colleagues to expand the criteria for who would qualify for the federally funded food stamps program. The change added about 4,500 District families to the rolls.
“It wasn’t a big, splashy thing, but it was an example of he and his staff learning about an issue, seeing an opportunity and then pursuing it,” said Ed Lazere, executive director of the D.C. Fiscal Policy Institute, which suggested the policy change.
Earlier this year, Brown successfully worked to delay implementation of time limits on welfare recipients by one year and to ease sanctions on those who show they are unable to find work due to illness or other factors.
Brown also has challenged some of the budget cuts of Mayor Vincent C. Gray (D), including restoring funding for affordable housing and job training this year.
“He has consistently been a supporter of these programs,” said Robert Pohlman, director of the Coalition for Nonprofit Housing and Economic Development. “He has been one of the most effective champions.”
But some advocates say Brown has sometimes waffled while trying to balance competing constituencies, leading some to question this candor.
Lydell Mann Sr., 37, recalls that Brown personally promised him in 2010 that he would support extending a federally funded program that provides vouchers to disadvantaged city students for private schools. A year later, however, Mann said he learned that Brown had opposed the extension of the Opportunity Scholarship program.
“As the people’s representative, for you to tell me you support something helping me and my family and then turn you back and sign something saying you don’t support, that upsets me,” said Mann, a Deanwood Heights resident with two children who receive the scholarship.
Brown said in an interview he has always favored continuing the program for those already enrolled but is against expanding it to new students.
He has also walked a fine line among competing interests when it comes to taxes. Although he said he supports tax incentives to lure new businesses to the city, Brown last year was a leading proponent of raising taxes on incomes of $350,000 or more annually to avert cuts in social services.
Brown considers his support for “first source” — a law setting hiring preferences for city residents on District-subsidized projects — one of his crowning achievements. His role in enacting the revised program has left him on the outs with some business leaders but strengthened his ties with organized labor.
But Brown has seen his standing among some activists dim after quietly placing about 300 words into a budget bill taken up by the council in December 2010. The language, styled as the “Lottery Modernization Act,” legalized online gambling for the first time, and some of Brown’s colleagues said they had no idea it did so when they voted on it.
Over the 15 months, as the D.C. Lottery moved to implement the legislation, a small band of civic activists battled to undo it, questioning the shadowy process and Brown’s ties to gambling interests through his former law firm. They appeared at numerous community meetings, often alongside Brown, who argued that his foes had distorted the program and that the estimated $13 million in city proceeds could prop up city programs at the time threatened by budget cuts.
“It was all about money and had nothing to do with what was best for the city,” said Kalorama activist Marie Drissel, who led the effort.
In February, the council voted to repeal the Internet gaming legislation, with only Brown and Marion Barry (D-Ward 8) opposed.
Asked whether he would pursue the proposal in a second term, Brown said he doesn’t plan to do so, partly because he expects Internet gambling to be federalized.
“I have absolutely no regrets,” Brown said. “It was the right thing to do.”