In the early days as Treasury secretary, Paulson set out to try to
find common ground with Congress on how to change Social Security -
and encountered little success. He also instituted the
"Strategic Economic Dialogue" with China, a twice-yearly
meeting of senior economic officials, and tried to persuade the
nation to let its currency appreciate and thus evolve toward a more
consumption-led economy. Progress was slight, as China began
allowing the value of the renminbi to float within a narrow range,
gradually letting it become more valuable.
But Paulson's legacy would be almost entirely tied to his
performance on the final count: crisis manager.
Beginnings of Trouble
In the summer of 2007, fear spread that subprime mortgage loans
would be vastly higher than had been estimated, and investors began
to flee risky investments. Paulson's early response mainly relied on
pressuring private entities to fix the problem rather than undertake
explicit government action. In October 2007, he gathered Wall Street
chief executives at the Treasury Department and began talks that led
to the "Master Liquidity Enhancement Conduit," which was
envisioned as a private fund that would stabilize the market for
troubled financial entities attached to banks called Structured
Investment Vehicles. That effort ultimately fizzled.
Another early effort was the "Hope Now Alliance"
program, in which mortgage companies, consumer advocates and
investors in mortgage loans reached a voluntary agreement - after
jaw-boning by Paulson - to create a standardized procedure to delay
by five years the resetting of certain adjustable rate mortgages for
people who were making their current mortgage payment but could not
handle a higher rate.
But as the crisis deepened and the economy worsened in early 2008,
Paulson undertook more direct government intervention. In March
2008, investment bank Bear Stearns was on the verge of failing when
the Federal Reserve, after extensive consultation with and an
endorsement from Paulson, decided to extend the company emergency
loans and then, two days later, to put $30 billion of taxpayer money
at risk to enable it to be sold to J.P. Morgan Chase. Under pressure
from Paulson, who wanted Bear Stearns shareholders to suffer a major
loss, J.P. Morgan was to pay only $2 per share (it was later changed
to $10 a share, with the government exposed to only $29 billion in
losses).
The Bailout Broadens
The government-chartered Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac emerged as a
source of weakness in the financial system, as investors globally
were unsure whether they would be able to weather the housing
downturn, and if they didn't, whether the government would cover
their debts. That drove up rates on mortgage loans, contributing to
further weakness in the housing market and overall economy.
In July 2008, Paulson asked Congress for the authority to use
government money to back the companies, arguing that if he had the
authority, he would be less likely to do it. "If you've got a
squirt gun in your pocket, you may have to take it out,"
Paulson told a Senate panel. "If you've got a bazooka and
people know you've got it, you may not have to take it out."
By September 2008, Paulson used that weapon. As losses by Fannie
and Freddie mounted to a degree that threatened insolvency, Paulson
had the companies put in conservatorship, a legal status similar to
bankruptcy. That essentially put the government on the hook for the
$5.4 trillion worth of mortgages the companies own or guarantee.
Less than a week later, the next financial giant to cry for help
was investment bank Lehman Brothers. Paulson warned Lehman CEO
Richard Fuld to find a buyer, but none materialized. The bank
crumbled, leading to a general disintegration of the credit market
in which banks refused to lend to each other. As a result of this
domino effect, Merrill Lynch sold itself to Bank of America and
American International Group was bailed out by the government with
$85 billion worth of credit (now the U.S. owns 80% of AIG). Paulson
knew he had to do something to get banks lending money again. His
team had worked on possible crisis scenarios, and they eventually
went to Congress with the $700 billion bailout plan.
TARP
Known in the Bush administration as the 'break the glass' plan,
Paulson asked Congress for $700 billion in fall 2008 to buy banks'
troubled assets. He did not mention using the money to provide
capital to banks, even though Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke
had suggested doing just that. When the Treasury secretary submitted
the outline of his audacious plan to Hill lawmakers, it was a mere
three pages long. It did not provide for any oversight or
restrictions on executive pay. It gave full control to Paulson.
Congress was not happy.
"Paulson's arrogance is shown not only in how he treated
rank-and-file members at the hearings, but in his original proposal,
which has to be regarded as a ransom note: 'We've got your 401(k)
and you'll never see it alive again unless we get $700 billion in
unmarked bills,'" said Rep. Brad Sherman (D-Calif.).
The first draft of Paulson's bailout plan failed to pass Congress.
But 400 pages later, with Congressional oversight and restrictions,
the $700 billion plan got through the House and Senate on Oct. 3.
President Bush quickly signed it into law as the Troubled Asset
Relief Program (TARP). By Oct. 14, 2008, Paulson had concluded that
asset purchases would be too slow, complex and offer not enough bang
for the buck in stabilizing the financial system. Investing the
money into banks, he concluded, would be faster. He brought in chief
executives of the nation's most important banks and made them an
offer they couldn't refuse: multi-billion dollar investments, in the
form of preferred stock, by the government.
Paulson used most of the money he had access to - an initial
installment of $350 billion in the TARP - for capital infusions into
banks, to the consternation of some in Congress, who were angry he
did not use any of the funds to directly aid homeowners at risk of
losing their homes to foreclosure. He did end up using $17 billion
of the money for emergency loans to automakers General Motors and
Chrysler, which otherwise were at risk of suffering a disorderly
bankruptcy.
Paulson has defended his use of the money, arguing that the
American economy's tailspin would be still worse had Congress not
authorized the bailout.
'''Our objectives in asking Congress for a financial rescue
package were to first stabilize a financial system on the verge of
collapse, and then to get lending going again to support the
American people and businesses,' Mr. Paulson said at a Congressional
hearing. 'If the financial system were to collapse, it would
significantly worsen and prolong the economic downturn.'"
Show less