“Oh, come on, Joe,” a Democratic aide remembered Boehner saying, objecting to the level of cuts Democrats demanded. “The president’s getting his money.”
Biden said no, the aide said, and the call ended. At the White House, aides said they would give no more: If Boehner refused, they would risk a default.
“Now, we just wait,” Obama said, according to the aide.
In the end, a compromise was reached, and the overall cuts to defense spending were diluted among other departments.
“Do we have a deal?” Obama asked Boehner in a phone call Sunday night.
At the White House, aides waited anxiously as the two men debated and interrupted each other one more time. Finally, they heard the verbal equivalent of a handshake.
“Congratulations to you, too, John,” the president said.
At that moment, a new drama opened on Capitol Hill. The hard-right Republicans who had driven the debate were now almost irrelevant — they wouldn’t support this deal, simply because it was a deal.
So the lobbying turned to the middle. The message: The bill wasn’t perfect, but there was no time left. “I realize that’s not ideal, and I apologize for it,” Boehner told Republicans in a conference call late Sunday. “But after I go through it, you’ll realize it’s pretty much the framework we’ve been operating in.”
For many, though, the message was blunter: Are you going to be the one who puts the country in default?
“Of course, the answer to that is no,” Rep. Thomas J. Rooney (R-Fla.) said Monday, after a day of that kind of lobbying. He had objected to the specter of defense cuts. “And that’s why it [stinks].”
In the end, though, the bill sold itself. Instead of making the “hard choices” that both Obama and the new Republicans said they wanted, it put many of them off. It will be up to that bipartisan committee to determine where difficult cuts will come.
It was an idea straight out of old Washington: To solve a crisis today, the bill created a crisis three months from now, when the committee’s report is due.
And each party seemed willing to believe that the committee would do what they had wanted all along.
“Some have argued the new joint select committee . . . could pave the way for tax increases,” said Rep. Dave Camp (R-Mich.). “That is not going to happen.”
Even though it could.
House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) said, “It stops cuts in Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid.”
Even though it doesn’t.
In theory, the panel could call for changes in both the tax code and beloved federal benefits programs. Much depends on who its members are and how free they feel to negotiate.
When the House vote came, the bill passed by a wide margin. Rooney voted “yes.” And there was even less drama in the Senate on Tuesday, where the bill passed 74 to 26.
After it was all over, Obama seemed to speak for revolted Americans — the kind of people who always want a new Washington — when he described the government as “dysfunctional.”
But at the Capitol, behind the four doors and the three receptionists and the police guard, McConnell said he could imagine doing this again.
“I think some of our members may have thought the default issue was a hostage you might take a chance at shooting,” he said. “Most of us didn’t think that. What we did learn is this — it’s a hostage that’s worth ransoming. And it focuses the Congress on something that must be done.”
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Staff writers Dan Balz, Rosalind S. Helderman and Felicia Sonmez contributed to this report.