The key role of women in the independence movement can be partially attributed to the Sahrawis’ nomadic background, said Djimi el-Ghalia, a prominent activist. Until the early 20th century, women were often left to run camps while men traveled, putting the women in control of household finances and community management.
The legacy of that tradition was consolidated in the refugee camps in Algeria, home to the Polisario Front and an estimated 165,000 Sahrawis who fled during the 16-year war with Morocco, which ended in 1991. Women are responsible for much of the administration of the camps.
“Compared to the status and role of women in the Islamic societies along the Mediterranean coast, Arabia . . . women in Western Sahara enjoy significant advantages,” said Jacob Mundy, an assistant professor at Colgate University and co-author of “Western Sahara: War, Nationalism, and Conflict Irresolution.”
“The war gave women in the camps more opportunities to become involved in the daily operations of the independence struggle and the effort to build a state in exile,” he said, while in the territory across the border, female activists play a “huge role.”
Sahrawi female activists say they generally have freedom to express their political views, and women divorce without stigma.
Female empowerment spans both ends of the political spectrum, and some women work in support of the Moroccan government.
Malainin Oum el-Fadl is among them. She heads l’Espace Associatif de Laayoune, a women’s collective that gives grants to small businesses and was established after thousands of Sahrawis set up a protest camp near the capital in 2010; the camp was later dismantled by Moroccan authorities.
“We wanted to absorb that tension,” Fadl said. “We are not concerned with politics. . . . To us, bread comes before politics.”
And not all is positive for women in the Algerian camps; there have been reports of women being imprisoned for adultery, and they remain excluded from the highest political posts. In Western Sahara, too, while traditional gender roles have freed women to push for independence, those norms also often mean that they do not pursue careers.
“It’s about the space provided,” Ghalia said. “Women stay at home and get more involved; at the same time, men don’t want to lose their jobs.”
Women have paid a high price for their role in the independence struggle. Ghalia and Haidar spent years in detention centers for their political activism in the late 1980s, when forced disappearances of Sahrawis were widespread, according to human rights groups.
Sitting in a traditional bedouin tent erected on the rooftop of her Laayoune home, Ghalia pulled back her head scarf to show her scarred scalp, which she said was doused in a stinking mix of chemicals while she was in detention. She said she spent most of nearly four years blindfolded and was often stripped naked and subjected to torture.
“I still have the scars from the dogs biting my flesh,” she said.
Although the darkest abuses are over, torture still goes on, rights groups say. Last month, Human Rights Watch reported that Moroccan courts have convicted Western Saharan activists on the basis of confessions obtained through torture or falsified by police.
In a hotel in Laayoune, another activist, Sultana Khaya, recalled a 2007 protest during which she said a police officer hit her face until her eye socket was crushed, causing her to lose one eye.
She showed bruises from her most recent run-in with police.
“This is just a small testament compared with the testaments of other Sahrawi women since 1975,” said Khaya, 32. “The Sahrawi woman is very great; she’s very powerful. I don’t even think about getting married until the Sahrawi women become independent.”