Awaiting Russian presidential vote, is Putin-Medvedev rift all part of the game?

MOSCOW — Less than a year before the presidential election, with the country ruled in deep secrecy, political discourse has been reduced to parsing every remark by Prime Minister Vladimir Putin and President Dmitry Medvedev for signs of their intentions.

Neither has said whether he will run, but the exercise has produced a lively political horse race, with one sounding presidential and a certain candidate one week, only to fall victim to a barbed comment from the other and lag behind, out of the running, the next.

  • ( Sergey Ponomarev / ASSOCIATED PRESS ) - Communist Party supporters and members of the Left Front movement marched during a May Day rally in Moscow on Sunday. They carried a poster that depicted Vladi­mir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev as mother and child in a mock religious icon.
  • ( Sasha Mordovets / GETTY IMAGES ) - The term-limited Putin, left, chose Medvedev, once his chief of staff, to run for president; after Medvedev was elected, he appointed Putin as prime minister. In 2012, both men will be eligible to be presidential candidates. Neither one has said what his plans are.

( Sergey Ponomarev / ASSOCIATED PRESS ) - Communist Party supporters and members of the Left Front movement marched during a May Day rally in Moscow on Sunday. They carried a poster that depicted Vladi­mir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev as mother and child in a mock religious icon.

If only, lament those watching from the sidelines, it were true.

“I believe there is no competition,” says Olga Kryshtanovskaya, a member of Putin’s United Russia party and a sociologist at the Russian Academy of Sciences who studies the decision-making elite. “Our politics are a theater. There are directors and a script. And for some reason they love it when the public says there are conflicts.”

Lilia Shevtsova, a mordant critic of the administration and a senior associate at the Carnegie Moscow Center, uses remarkably similar language in reaching a comparable conclusion. “There are no politics,” she says. “Politics exist where you have an independent media, attentive audience and unpredictable script. What’s interesting is that the Kremlin supports this story-telling.”

In the Soviet era, outsiders divined the workings of the Politburo by studying Red Square parades to see who was standing next to whom on top of Lenin’s tomb. This approach turned out to have limitations when the internal weakness, and then collapse, of the Soviet system took much of the world by surprise.

Today’s Kremlinologists rely on public comments that may eventually prove just as misleading.

“I think it’s almost the same as in Soviet times,” says Kryshtanovskaya, who still watches who sits in which government seats. She says that Medvedev only replaced two of the 75 officials he inherited from Putin, a comment on his lack of power and Putin’s reach. “He’s a general without an army,” she says.

Shevtsova also sees a resemblance between the Kremlinology of the Leonid Brezhnev years — Brezhnev was head of the Soviet Union from 1964 until he died in 1982 — and now. “We have personalized power now, as we did then,” she says, “and we all have to remain guessers. We still are wondering who is behind the curtain.”

Putin served two terms as president, from 2000 to 2008, when he was prevented by term limitations from running again. He picked Medvedev, once his chief of staff, to run for president, and Medvedev not only succeeded him but appointed Putin as prime minister. Ever since there have been two big questions. Could Medvedev emerge as a politician with a mind of his own and the power to make decisions? With Putin again eligible, who would run for president in 2012?

Neither has said who will run, creating much back and forth about whether Medvedev has accrued any power or not since he assumed the presidency and whether there are signs of a rift between him and his mentor, which would indicate a new assertiveness.

Loading...

Comments

Add your comment
 
Read what others are saying About Badges