Brotherhood floats immunity for generals in post-Mubarak Egypt

The military rulers’ tough response to protesters who have accused them of clinging to power suggests that any direct conflict with the generals would lead to chaos and make it more difficult to force them from power, Ghozlan said.

Instead, giving immunity to the top generals, once part of Mubarak’s ruling elite, could reassure them and encourage them to step down rather than fight to preserve their political and economic interests, Ghozlan said in the Brotherhood’s new headquarters in southern Cairo.

Gallery

Video

Egyptians lined up in front of polling centers in nine provinces to cast their ballots Tuesday in the third and final round of the country's first parliamentary elections following the ouster of Hosni Mubarak. (Jan. 3)

Egyptians lined up in front of polling centers in nine provinces to cast their ballots Tuesday in the third and final round of the country's first parliamentary elections following the ouster of Hosni Mubarak. (Jan. 3)

In a separate interview, Mohammed Beltagy, a leading member of the Freedom and Justice Party who is set to serve in the next parliament, said the matter of immunity must be discussed with the families of slain protesters and would be pursued only if they agree. “This is up to the families of the martyrs to decide,” he said.

‘An important test’

The Brotherhood was the most formidable opposition force in Mubarak’s Egypt, though the autocratic ruler kept tight control over the movement and thousands of its members, including Ghozlan, were arrested and tortured.

Despite that uneasy status, the Brotherhood has often tried to work from within the system to forge change rather than confront the establishment, and its dealings with the military, including the immunity proposal, reflect that, said Khalil al-Anani, an expert on Islamist movements at Durham University in England.

Election results this week are expected to confirm that the group’s political wing won nearly half of the seats in the lower house of parliament, known as the People’s Assembly, and analysts say the Brotherhood’s members won’t let anything jeopardize their long fight to attain power.

“They will not sacrifice their historical interests to appease or satisfy the public,” Anani said. “The Brotherhood believes they paid the price over the last few decades to gain this moment.”

But its dominant role in the first post-revolution parliament will also make the Brotherhood accountable during a difficult period of uncertainty, instability and a faltering economy.

“We are entering an important test,” Beltagy said, acknowledging that Egyptians are expecting rapid change.

“This leaves us with burdens that are greater than our resources,” Beltagy said in his Cairo office. “Maybe people’s faith in us will buy us time.

The party recently backed off demands that the new parliament, scheduled to be seated Jan. 23, be allowed to appoint a prime minister. Instead, party officials said they would work within the military’s timeline, with political power to be handed off to an elected president by June 30. But the Brotherhood is holding firm on its demand that Egypt’s new constitution be written once the president is elected and the army cedes power.

“We believe in having presidential elections before the constitution is drafted, so that the constitution is drafted under the authority of an elected civilian power rather than under the authority of the military council,” Beltagy said.

The military rulers have made clear that they want a role in drafting the constitution.

“The military has one job, and it is protecting national security,” Ghozlan said. “It should not interfere in politics, not up close and not from afar.”

He also denied allegations that the Brotherhood and the military had struck a deal.

“There are no deals between us and them,” Ghozlan said.

Special correspondent Ingy Hassieb contributed to this report.

 
Read what others are saying About Badges