Redefining Democratic Fundraising

A Flood of Support

Iowa transformed Kerry into a money magnet. "There had been somebody I had been trying and trying to reach, but he never returned my calls," Susman said. "After Iowa, he called and wanted to know if I had changed my cell phone, that he had been trying to call me."

From Oct. 21 to March 18, the number of $100,000 bundlers for Kerry more than doubled, from 29 to 60, according to the campaign. The campaign gained more momentum after March 18, when Kerry effectively locked up the Democratic nomination and began picking up major fundraisers from the losing Democratic campaigns, the entertainment industry and veterans of the Clinton campaign such as D.C. fundraiser Beth Dozoretz and industrialist Bernard L. Schwartz.

One trend was a sharp increase in the number of trial lawyers joining the Kerry fundraising campaign. Among those soon joining as major fundraisers were John P. Coale, one of the nation's most prominent trial lawyers, whose better-known cases include the Union Carbide disaster in Bhopal, India, and at least 16 plane crashes; Robert L. Lieff, founding partner of Lieff Cabraser Heimann & Bernstein LLP, a San Francisco-based firm that lists four class-action settlements in 2004 alone totaling $176.5 million; and San Francisco lawyer Arnold Laub, whose firm Web site lists its participation in the $3.7 billion fen-phen settlement, a $185 million toxic chemical award and $4.5 million for a pedestrian accident case.

Trial lawyers acknowledge a clear self-interest in a Kerry victory. With Bush in the White House, the climate for trial lawyers is inhospitable. Bush has repeatedly declared that one of his top priorities is enactment of legislation restricting trial lawyers, capping damage awards and pushing many class-action claims into less favorable federal courts.

John Morgan, an Orlando lawyer whose firm specializes in medical malpractice, said he has helped raise more than $500,000 for Kerry. Speaking of the Bush administration, he said: "What they're trying to do is take away people's access to the courts. . . . If it becomes not profitable and not feasible, people aren't going to be represented."

Farmer said another striking development has been the surge of support for Kerry in the gay community. Farmer himself is gay. Many of Kerry's top fundraisers are active in the gay community, including Tom Daley, a consultant to Hotels.com; D.C. investor Claire Lucas; and Jeff Anderson, finance co-chair of the Alice B. Toklas Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender Democratic Club, and his partner, Jeff Soukup.

As in past Democratic campaigns, the Jewish community is playing a major role in raising money for Kerry, despite aggressive GOP efforts to woo Jewish voters and donors. One official at a leading Jewish organization estimated that one-third of Kerry's vice chairs are Jewish, compared with about 10 percent of Bush's major fundraisers. Among the leading donors with an interest in Jewish issues, particularly U.S.-Israeli relations, is Haim Saban, the chief executive of Saban Capital Group and creator of the Mighty Morphin Power Rangers.

Yet another major source of funds has been Wall Street: About 15 percent of Kerry's fundraisers work in the financial services industry. Financial industry backers have raised about $10 million for Kerry, according to Public Citizen.

Overall, Kerry's fundraising base is much different from Bush's. Kerry draws heavily on professionals with advanced degrees, academics, scientists and technology workers, in contrast to Bush's strong base in the business community. Bush has close to 100 major fundraisers -- Pioneers or Rangers, as the president's campaign calls them -- from the agribusiness, energy and power, construction, and transportation industries, compared with no more than half a dozen for Kerry.

According to PoliticalMoneyLine, five times as many corporate CEOs, presidents and chairmen gave to Bush as Kerry: 17,770 to 3,393. Conversely, the number of professors who gave to Kerry is 11 times the number of those who gave to Bush, 3,508 to 322. Actors split 212 for Kerry, 12 for Bush; authors, 110 to 3; librarians, 223 to 1; journalists, 93 to 1; and social workers, 415 to 32.

As great as the impact of major donors has been the role of the Internet. Even before Kerry won in Iowa, his campaign was moving to capitalize on the technology that helped Dean to his early lead. Josh Ross, a Silicon Valley executive, was brought in to restructure Kerry's Web site.

Kerry's campaign abandoned the use of impersonal appeals for cash. Instead, visitors to his Web site were greeted with e-mails from individual officials such as campaign manager Mary Beth Cahill asking for help to meet specific fundraising targets or to blunt Bush campaign attacks. Supporters were asked not only for money but also to give house parties for Kerry and to attend local campaign events.

The changes in the Kerry Internet operation has been noticed by professionals in the field. Wes Boyd, founder of MoveOn.org, said "there was a change in receptivity" -- a shift toward the interests and activities of online supporters and prospective donors.

Handling Party Factions

So far at least, Kerry has managed to assuage the battling factions of the Democratic Party.

Trial lawyers are working side by side with corporate CEOs. Civic reformers opposed to patronage are planning events with lobbyists who thrive on political dealmaking. Advocates of affirmative action have joined with those who see such policies undermining Democratic Party values. Environmental activists are working with building and construction union leaders determined to extract natural resources. Severe critics and ardent backers of the Ariel Sharon government in Israel have subordinated their differences, at least through Nov. 2. Cultural liberals committed to sexual privacy, reproductive freedom and gay rights work hand in hand with those concerned about the fallout from the sexual revolution.

"I don't care if you were for Howard Dean at one end of the spectrum to Joe Lieberman at the other," Susman said. "Everybody is just so anxious to get this administration out. It's unanimous."

Still, the balancing act could get more difficult for Kerry. Since wrapping up the nomination, he has tried to move toward the center, away from what campaign finance experts describe as his more ideologically motivated donors.

"The real question is whether they can sustain it," said Gary Jacobson, a political scientist at the University of California at San Diego. "If the Democrats don't have Bush as the target, is this money still available? It could be sustained if the current level of political conflict is sustained, with Republicans in power with small majorities pursuing a quite conservative set of policies. If the Democrats actually win, it may be more difficult to sustain."