More Aggressive Congress Could Hinder Bush's Plans

House Majority Leader Tom DeLay (R-Tex.) privately criticized handling of intelligence bill and tax policy. (Evan Vucci -- AP)

Bush certainly has powerful allies on the Hill. Frist in many ways owes his leadership job to the president and Rove, who helped orchestrate the Tennessee physician's rise to power. Some Republicans say Frist would like Rove to run his 2008 White House bid, which would provide the party leader even more incentive to please the White House in the 109th Congress.

The president also has forged a close relationship with Hastert, who like Bush is conservative and comfortable working outside the public eye.

Rep. Rob Portman (R-Ohio) continues to serve as a respected middle man between Bush and House Republicans.

But several lawmakers said the president needs to rub elbows with more rank-and-file Republicans to build support for politically tough issues such as adding private accounts to Social Security. "There's got to be lots more opportunities for schmoozing, one-on-one talks in small groups at the White House," LaHood said. "That goes a long, long way to building the kind of relationships he needs to pass Social Security reform."

Addressing that issue, the president recently sent Rove and White House congressional liaison David Hobbs to a private retreat with GOP leaders, as part of a broader effort to develop a plan to create private retirement accounts using a portion of payroll taxes. Participants discussed, among other things, whether Bush or Congress should take the lead in writing the legislation. Several sources said the president is leaning toward offering a detailed plan around the State of the Union speech next month and spending the next few months promoting it, election-style, at public meetings.

Congressional Republicans are willing to help, but they expect solid White House support for other measures they favor, said Rep. Jack Kingston (Ga.), a member of the House GOP leadership who voted against the Bush-backed intelligence bill. "We know the financial woes of Social Security, and we've got to explain that over and over again," he said. In return, he said, Bush must rein in moderate Senate Republicans such as Arlen Specter (Pa.) who are accustomed to more political leeway than most House members enjoy.

"If Specter starts getting horsy on medical malpractice reform" and on proposed limits to same-sex marriage and stem cell research, Kingston said, "House members are going to be upset" if the White House stands idly by.

House GOP leaders also have warned the White House not to repeat what they considered to be the big mistake of the 2003 Medicare prescription drug debate: failing to spend enough time explaining the bill's virtues to voters, before and after Congress enacted it. Davis and as many as two dozen House Republicans have let it be known they consider major Social Security changes a potential political loser because many senior citizens fear the consequences. At the same time, conservatives such as Rep. Paul Ryan (Wis.) are calling for larger private accounts than Bush is likely to endorse.

The Senate may be even more problematic. Graham is pushing a different Social Security plan and challenging Bush's refusal to tinker with the payroll tax to finance the changes.

Bush has ruled out raising taxes to fund the plan, while Graham says the amount of income subject to the payroll tax, which is capped at $87,900, should be lifted to $200,000.

Hagel plans to unveil his own plan early next year. It takes 60 votes to pass controversial measures in the 100-member Senate, so Bush can ill afford Republican defectors.