For the past two weeks, my e-mail in-box has overflowed with messages from women -- and some men -- about the hypotheses recently offered by Harvard President Lawrence H. Summers to explain the dearth of women in the academic sciences. One woman wrote, "It is not surprising that people are angry when they see such full-blown contemptuous arrogance." Others were shocked at his apparent insensitivity: Had he no concern for the female students and faculty in math and science at Harvard or other academic institutions?
That's an important question. Although we can't do anything about Summers's method of calling for more research into whether women and men have innate differences when it comes to mathematics and science (he told an economics conference on Jan. 14 that he was trying to be provocative), we can address the resulting controversy. There is a wealth of data about men and women in science, about cognitive sex differences, about the effects of expectations on people's behavior, and about unintended misjudgments of women and men.
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• Outlook Section
Playing to Stereotype|
One thing about stereotypes is how very good human beings prove to be at living up to them: Tell a woman that she is not up to some complex computation or an African American that he probably won't do as well as white students on a difficult standardized test and -- bingo! -- she or he may well fulfill those expectations.
This theory, known as "stereotype threat," is defined by psychologist Claude M. Steele of Stanford University as "the threat of being viewed through the lens of a negative stereotype." The anxiety it produces, Steele asserts, is a significant factor in the continuing underperformance of groups whose abilities are stigmatized, such as women in the sciences and black college students.
Steele and his colleagues, Joshua Aronson of New York University and Steven Spencer of the University of Waterloo, alerted black and white students that a challenging verbal quiz would measure their abilities. The black students then performed measurably worse than the whites, even though the students selected were statistically equivalent in ability level.
But when the researchers told the students that the quiz was a lab task that did not measure ability -- thus making the stereotype about ability irrelevant -- the blacks' performance matched the whites'.
Similarly, women underperformed when told in advance of taking a math test that men generally scored better on it. Take the stereotype threat away, however, and the performance of these underachievers also goes up.
That's why, says Steele, "reinforcing a stereotype with no good reason is irresponsible." Simply by voicing the possibility that women are less able in science than men, Harvard President Lawrence H. Summers may be helping to bring about that outcome.
-- Frances Stead Sellers, Outlook
By the Numbers|
Percentage of women holding tenured and tenure-track faculty positions at the "top 50" university departments of:
Chemical engineering: 10.5%
Mechanical engineering: 6.7%
Electrical engineering: 6.5%
Civil engineering: 9.8%
Computer science: 10.6%
SOURCE: Donna Nelson, associate professor of chemistry, University of Oklahoma
Summers is not alone in his lack of awareness of the compelling evidence of the power of small differences in how we treat boys and girls, men and women. Yet those differences, I would argue, provide a better hypothesis than innate sex differences to explain the gap between the numbers of men and women in academic jobs in the sciences.
Nor is Summers alone in being unaware of the large set of experiments showing that well-intentioned people, intelligent people, people who believe in a meritocracy -- people, in short, just like many successful college presidents -- consistently underrate women's abilities and overrate men's.
The finding that emerges from the research, in experiment after experiment, is that bias is a problem not because it is deliberate, but because it is the outcome of assumptions of which we are not consciously aware. Take, for example, a study published last year by New York University professor Madeline Heilman and her colleagues. The researchers asked people to rate individual men and women who were described as holding the position of assistant vice president in an aircraft company. The evaluators' job was to rate how competent and likable the employees were. They were given background information about the person, the job and the company.
In half the cases, the employee was described as about to have a performance review (his or her competence was thus unknown); in the other half, the person was described as having been a stellar performer.
When the evaluators had received no information about how well the assistant VP was doing in the job, they rated the man as more competent than the woman, and rated them as equally likable. When the background information made clear that the person was extremely competent, evaluators rated the man and woman as equally competent. But both men and women rated the highly competent woman as much less likable than her male counterpart, and considerably more hostile.
Thus, in evaluating a woman in a male-dominated field, both male and female observers see her as less competent than a similarly described man unless there is clear information that she is a top performer. And in that case, they see her as less likable than a comparable man.
The result of the experiment by Heilman and colleagues is typical of other research: Both men and women give men the benefit of the competence doubt. Why do we do this? Because we're like Summers: We have conceptions -- what psychologists call "gender schemas" -- of what it means to be male or female. We tend to see males as capable of independent action, as doing things for a reason and as getting down to the business at hand. We tend to see females as nurturing, communal and expressive. So which person, man or woman, seems a better fit for the job of assistant VP in an aircraft company? One guess. You can expect similar results in other male-dominated fields -- such as the sciences.
Although an abundance of research of this sort exists, it has not become part of our common understanding and thus has not yet redressed the imbalances between men and women in professional life. With that in mind, it's useful to look at the three challenges that Summers presented in his speech to men and women who think elite institutions need to move faster to increase the number of women on their faculties. His comments, as reported by those who heard them, highlight some of the most common and enduring misconceptions.
Summers claimed, echoing the neoclassical economics view, that discrimination is too costly to institutions to last. Over the long haul -- perhaps a very long haul -- discrimination will wither away, this line of thinking goes. Here's the rub: Harvard has a $20 billion endowment. Thus Harvard -- and other rich schools -- can afford to neglect a lot of female and minority talent and have shown a willingness to do so. The problems women experience in getting promotion and tenure are exacerbated at high-prestige institutions, as is shown by "From Scarcity to Visibility," a book that examines gender differences in the sciences. The deep pockets of elite schools allow them to buy the services of a lot of very talented white men. They may be paying too much for those men, but they can afford it.
Meanwhile, people at institutions with heavy teaching responsibilities, few resources and insufficient staff have neither the time nor the money to perform the scholarly research they were trained for and that might win them jobs at more prestigious institutions. Women are overrepresented at such underfunded institutions, where they cannot reach their full potential. So when Summers looks around, he will mistakenly think that he isn't missing anything: Where, he will say, are all those super-productive women that I'm supposedly not hiring? And he's right, in a way. Those potential stars are performing beneath their abilities -- just like their white male counterparts who aren't at elite schools. What society is losing out on isn't immediately apparent.
Another point often raised is that women don't put in the hours, and Summers followed that line, too, when he suggested that women don't want to work 80-hour weeks. The implication was that women wouldn't wind up at, or stay at, a place like Harvard. The first assumption is that 80-hour workweeks are a necessary condition for intellectual creativity and excellence, for either men or women. That assumption has very little data going for it. The second assumption is that women who do put in 80-hour weeks receive the same rewards as men. That assumption has a lot of data going against it, as we have seen.
By far the most provocative discussion inspired by Summers's comments is whether women may be innately inferior to men in math. Women do score lower, on average, than men on the standardized math tests that are part of the SAT and GRE (Graduate Record Examination). We already know, from research by sociologists Yu Xie of the University of Michigan and Kimberlee Shauman of the University of California (who were examining the reasons that women do -- and don't -- leave science), that the differences on math tests do not account for the gender gap in who chooses to major in science. The gender gap persists even when you take test scores into account. So in a sense the question is moot.