U.S. Actions Louder Than Words for Indigenous People

WASHINGTON -- Ambassador John Maisto, U.S. permanent representative to the Organization of American States, addressed a reception earlier this month with words that seemed both new and promising for indigenous people in the hemisphere. He said that the United States and other governments have an obligation "to work effectively with indigenous populations toward reconciliation and bonds that honor and respect their freedoms, self-governance and control over their own future.''

Maisto echoed -- and elaborated on -- sentiments expressed by Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice at her confirmation hearing in mid-January. She told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that Washington has the "extremely important task ahead'' of associating with a new order in which indigenous people in Latin America find "their rightful place in a political and economic system.''

Unfortunately, much of Maisto's intended audience wasn't around to hear him. Many of the Latin America indigenous delegates invited to the reception boycotted to protest the intransigence of U.S. negotiators during the fifth round of talks on an Inter-American Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

The Latin Americans said that U.S. negotiators had seemed to be more interested in stalling the process than in listening to the their positions. Words of reconciliation from Washington's top diplomats could only ring hollow in light of such an attitude.

Sadly, this would seem to sow further skepticism in the region toward Washington's real intentions. Yet the encouraging words from Rice and Maisto have the potential to foster a sense among indigenous people that, despite their disappointments, they are better off participating than walking away.

Indigenous issues have seldom fit into U.S. priorities except in tangential and unconstructive ways. At times they have even collided with Washington when the actions of a few have made all appear anti-capitalist, tolerant of drug trafficking and even supportive of terrorists.

Rice's attention to indigenous issues is a signal that the administration recognizes that elected leaders in Latin America are facing growing distrust from indigenous groups who continue to be marginalized and are unable to reap the benefits of democracy. These groups are demanding change and Washington is hoping it can persuade them to stick with legal and democratic means to achieve it.

Aucan Huilcaman is one of those in Latin America not buying the administration's new rhetoric. The leader of the Mapuche people in Chile, and now a presidential candidate, said that "on one side is the Bush administration's speech and on the other the reality.''

Huilcaman and other indigenous leaders describe fundamental differences between themselves and Washington. To them, the obsession with individual human rights clashes with their traditional emphasis on collective rights. Rather than having an individual title to, say, a plot of land, they would favor a collective title.

Another difference is self-determination. They want to have sovereignty without limitations that could mean submitting to the national laws of the country where they live. To them such limitations would be just another form of discrimination and subjugation.

Yet another is the crucial issue of land rights. Indigenous groups want control over their lands including all surface and subsurface resources. Land disputes between indigenous groups and national and international business interests have led to violence and bloodshed.

Obviously there is a real chasm between these priorities and those of Washington. But the time for rapprochement is now said Chris Sabatini of the National Endowment for Democracy. There is "a strong risk,'' he said, that undemocratic leaders promising more political inclusion and economic opportunity will gain new momentum.

Bush officials clearly won't be ready to go all the way to meet indigenous people's priorities. But offering a new understanding of their plight may at least help move the process forward.

Robert B. Zoellick, Rice's choice as her top deputy at the State Department, put it best during his own confirmation hearing last week when he said the system in Latin America has been "basically rigged against the poor'' and indigenous people. And while Washington cannot change it for them, it can provide assistance through a combination of trade agreements, democratic support, micro-enterprise lending and basic property rights.

This new rhetoric has yet to convince an understandably skeptical audience. It is up to the new diplomats at the helm of U.S. foreign policy to decide whether this sentiment of solidarity will be reflected in action on the ground.

Marcela Sanchez's e-mail address is desdewash@washpost.com.