Iraq: One Year Later

Many Iraqis call the war the suqut -- "the collapse." The term refers both to the end of 35 years of Baath Party rule and to the time of confusion that has followed since.

Since covering the war from Iraq, Washington Post Foreign Correspondent Anthony Shadid has kept in touch with many of the Iraqis he met in that time. They come from all walks of Iraqi society and tell stories of an initial hope for the future. One year later, that hope has turned to feelings of anger and despair. In Sunday and Monday's Washington Post, he told their stories.

Shadid was online on Monday, March 15, at Noon ET to discuss the series and the future of Iraq.

Editor's Note: Washingtonpost.com moderators retain editorial control over Live Online discussions and choose the most relevant questions for guests and hosts; guests and hosts can decline to answer questions.

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washingtonpost.com: Anthony, thank you for joining us online. Your very compelling series in the Post was based on your reporting in Iraq over the course of a year, including the time you spent in Baghdad during the war. How did you come to meet the Salman family and mssrs. Saadeddin and Mohammed?

Anthony Shadid: Thank you. It's a real pleasure to join you all today. I met the three families during the war, all in different ways. Karima was a friend of a friend. I met Mr. Saadeddin's son before the war in Baghdad. Dr. Mohammed's son was an acquaintance in the United States.

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Monterey, California: How do Iraqis view the June 30th deadline for handover of power?

In particular, do they see it as relating to anything meaningful or substantive about the level of progress/security they have achieved -- or as an arbitrary date having little to do with the reality in Iraq?

Thank you, in advance, for your thoughtful reply.

Anthony Shadid: My sense in conversations in Baghdad is that June 30 is emerging as a less important date than the elections tentatively set for next January. I think a lot of people have the sense that the U.S. presence, both military and political, will retain unparalleled influence, despite the handover. In addition, there still doesn't seem to be a lot of faith in the political institutions set up so far to inherit power.

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College Park, Md.: Mr. Shadid --

A brief comment -- while I respect your determination and courage for working as a journalist in a war zone, I have long ago decided that your editorial copy is inherently biased, almost to the point of being anti-American. I e-mailed your newspaper's Ombudsman twice, specifically commenting on your biased coverage from Iraq. I realize news organizations are supposed to report "both sides of the story," but you always seem to report the side of the "victimized Iraqi people." Have you received other comments similar to mine, or am I just a hateful, bitter Republican who is a jingoistic flag-waver for President Bush?

P.S. - I will understand if you do not have the courage to respond to my comment.

Anthony Shadid: I'm sorry that you feel that way. As a foreign correspondent, I try to get beyond politics in writing and reporting. My job is not policy but to understand how policy plays out, and I see my most important task as understanding how the people I cover view it. I think sentiments are all over the map, and while we're restrained in the number of words we can write, I've tried to cover as broad a spectrum as possible. I'm always happy to hear criticism from readers. Journalism and should remain a two-way street.

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New York, NY: I think your work over the last year has been fantastic. Two questions: Do you speak Arabic?
Also, I found it interesting that one of the wives' in today's story is complaining about mobile phones, while yesterday's family is sharing a single egg. How much of an economic divide is still there between the wealthy and poorer Iraqis? I would think the war might have gotten everyone to more or less the same economic level.

Anthony Shadid: Thank you for the kind words. On the first question, yes, I do speak Arabic. On the second, the economic divide in Iraq probably remains the single most important factor shaping society. You're right to point out that the families in the first and second stories came from entirely different classes. While for many economic conditions have gotten worse, there definitely remains a segment -- government employees, in particular -- that has seen its material conditions improve.

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Easton, MD: You've done incredible work over the last year. As a Post reader, I feel that your reporting has been among the most insightful in a newspaper that already covers the world very well. I think you've done a wonderful job bringing the Iraqi perspective to us. Now, I would like to know how Anthony Shadid feels about the situation in Iraq now compared to one year ago. Is the situation what you expected it to be at this point? How do you see things going in the next six months?

Anthony Shadid: Again, thank you for the kind words. In answer to your question, I'm not sure what to say. Did I expect things to turn out as they did? I don't think so. But what surprises me more perhaps is the speed at which things have evolved. Take Islamic activism. Arcs that took months, even years to develop in the rest of the Arab world have played out in weeks and months in Iraq. So much is in play in the country that it is, at times, bewildering to watch it unfold.

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washington dc: How safe do you and other journalists feel when traveling throughout Baghdad and Iraq? Do you feel less safe in recent months? What precautions do you all take to protect yourselves?

Anthony Shadid: I think, for journalists, security has deteriorated in recent months pretty markedly. It's always a tough call on how to respond. Do you try to find ways to become more secure -- fortified housing, guards, etc. -- or do you try to become less conspicuous? My preference is the latter, but some of my colleagues disagree. In the end, I think it's a personal choice.

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Berlin, Germany: Do US authorities have a clear picture of who the "enemy" is? My sense from the reporting is of vague references to a mix that includes some Baath Party dead-enders, some foreign fighters, some non-Baath Iraqi nationalists -- but overall no clear picture of who the bad guys are and what motivates them. Can you clarify?

Anthony Shadid: The precise nature of the campaign remains a little mysterious, I think, to everyone. There is a debate among U.S. officials on the extent of the role of foreign fighters. At least anecdotally, you get the sense their role has grown in more recent attacks. But it's probably a mistake to underestimate the capacity of home-grown movements -- be they Baathists or others -- to create trouble.

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Heartland, USA: Great series. I am sure you will get plenty of rants from individuals who would just as soon see Iraq fail then to see any success under this Administration, especially in an election year. I am not one of those people. But, I am confused by the different pictures and stories coming out of Iraq. In prior articles in the Post and elsewhere, I have read of great successes primarily by our military leaders acting as pseudo-governors, handing out money for reconstruction, calming disputes, and that some economies (Basrah, in particular) are thriving. Yet, I recognize the perception problem that "America can do everything" is not only quite real as perception but that, in fact, we aren't doing everything that needs to be done. Regardless of politics, we have to succeed in Iraq, for the Iraqis and for ourselves. What, in your opinion, is the most critical thing lacking in Iraq and what can we (yes, we as citizens) do about it?
Thank you.

Anthony Shadid: Thanks for the question and kind words. In conversations in Baghdad, the complaint you hear most often is about a perceived lack of secuity. It colors almost every conversation, and it underlines the sense of unease about what's ahead. It also explains some of the conflicting sentiments you hear about the U.S. presence. Often, even opponents of the U.S. occupation will say in the same conversation that they are opposed to a U.S. withdrawal. There's a fear that an American departure would precipitate even greater lawlessness and perhaps chaos.

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Santa Ana, CA: I really enjoy reading your stories online; you seem one of the few reporters who has developed enough of a rapport with ordinary Iraqis to be able to cover their lives and thoughts.

My question is, we hear a lot about divisions politically between Kurds, Sunnis, and Shias. At a person-to-person level, do Iraqis identify primarily in those terms, and are they wary of other groups, or do they see themselves foremost as Iraqis? Is there any real risk of civil war?

Anthony Shadid: That's a great question. I often find people reluctant to identify themselves primarily by sect or ethnicity. Often, when asked, they seem to view the question as one of bad taste. That's not to say that sectarian and ethnic differences are receding. In fact, in political terms, it seems the opposite. But sometimes casting the fault lines solely in those terms ignores the degree of intermarriage, business ties and connections that do exist. As for civil war, there's no doubt that the issue comes up often in conversation. My own sense is that it's more a metaphor for unease over what's ahead. Rather than viewing it as the prospect of Kurd vs Arab or Sunni vs Shiite, it stands more as the idea of what will happen if lawlessness and violence grow. In that way, it's a codeword for the prospect of greater insecurity.

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Silver Spring, MD: Hello Anthony. Do you find that many of the Iraqis are longing for the old days of Saddam, or are they more frustrated with the current situation? Also, do you think that the U.S. will have a favorable "taste" in the mouths of Iraqis if we do manage to set up a cohesive government, or will we be disliked no matter what happens?

Anthony Shadid: I think people see security as the foremost of their concerns. As with any country that's endured the collapse of an authoritarian regime, there is a nostalgia voiced about the order of the previous government. A line you hear often is that no one would have fired a gun in the street under Saddam. But I don't think it's a wish for things to return to what they were. The overwhelming majority of Iraqis are thankful for Saddam's fall. But they will sometimes say -- as the two men in today's story did -- that memories can be short, and there's a sense of desperation for something to be done to quell the violence. That goes for the devastating bombings that we've seen the past couple months, as well as the street crime that persists in Baghdad and elsewhere.

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Rockville, Maryland: I still carry around with shame the heart-wrenching article you wrote last November about the Jassam family whose house had been destroyed by American fire and who could not get any relief from the Occupation to help put their lives back together.

Have you had occasion to revisit this family and learn how they are doing? Also, What would you suggest as the best charitable organization to give to in order to help families like these in some small way?

Thanks

Anthony Shadid: I did visit the Jassam family a few weeks after the story was published. A reader actually contributed money to them, and the last time I saw them, they had begun the process of rebuilding their home.

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Vail, Co: How do the Iraqis view the politics of the upcoming US presidential race in regards to helping or hindering their recovery? For that matter do they make a distinction between Bush and the neocon's, and the United States citizenery?

Anthony Shadid: It may still be too early in the U.S. presidential election for Iraqis to be seeing the differences between candidates. People know the election is coming up, and it's often cited as the reason for the June 30 handover. But I haven't had a conversation in which people compare what the two parties might do in Iraq.

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Virginia: Mr. Shadid - This may be too much of a process question, but I'm interested. You speak Arabic; could you (or someone else) do as credible a job covering these issues without speaking the indigenous language of the region? Could you get as close to your sources, or get as rich a sense of their opinions, via an interpreter? Thank you and be careful out there.

Anthony Shadid: Arabic definitely helps. I think you catch things you might not otherwise -- background conversation, in particular. But I don't think it's essential, and I think a lot of my non-Arabic speaking colleagues have done a remarkable job in their work in Iraq.

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Suffolk, VA: Is it true Iraqi's think the US is all powerful and can fix everything over night?

Anthony Shadid: That sentiment was definitely prevalent in the weeks after the war. It has changed since. But I think that view of the U.S. as powerful, its authority unquestioned, goes far in explaining the suspicion that you hear in Baghdad these days about U.S. intentions.

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Detroit, Mich.: Mr. Shadid-Thank you very much for your insightful coverage. You and your Washington Post coworkers in Baghdad have illuminated dimensions of the occupation that I have not seen elsewhere. The thing I am most curious to know is how much interaction does the average Iraqi have with the Americans? Do you think they understand how we are trying to help their country? Do you think we are getting the message out? If not, what can we do better?

Anthony Shadid: A good question. I think the level of interaction between Americans and Iraqis depends on where you are. In much of the country, the interaction is between residents and military forces -- U.S., British or others. In Baghdad, you have the greatest concentration of civilian officials, but they remain limited to their compound at the former Republican Palace. There are great restrictions on their movments, understandable given the security situation. But those restrictions have limited their ability to get out and interact with the people they are governing. There are exceptions. I was struck by the efforts of the CPA in Nasiriya to organize elections in the southern province earlier this year. As a smaller operation, they had more flexibility and were remarkably engaged in the communities around them. On the whole, though, I think the presence most Iraqis deal with is a military one.

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Washington, DC: Dear Anthony, I disagree with College Park that your work is "inherently biased" but I have noticed that of the half-dozen names I see writing out of Iraq that your work does reflect the point of view of Iraqis, who may in fact feel victimized. Is this your assignment? Can you tell me how you divide up the work?

Anthony Shadid: As with any big story, my colleagues and I end up dividing our beats, basically as a way to organize what we do day in and day out. Rajiv Chandrasekaran, the bureau chief in Baghdad, has focused more on politics and the reconstruction. I've tried to look more at society and forces from below, in particular religion.

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Baghdad,Iraq: Anthony:
One point that I stressed to you and will stress again, is that the Americans committed a gross miscalculation the first week of the occupation. If martial law was declared immediatly instead of encouraging looting and distruction, and in a few days a call for all government employees to go back to work.All Iraqis ( including so called Baathists, would have shouted hail America). Today Iraq would have been up and runninig full blast. Security would have been 100% You would not need more than 15 000 to 25 000 soldiers in Iraq.Who ever advised you otherwise was an enemy of Iraq and the US.
Faruq Ahmed Saadeldin

Anthony Shadid: Faruq, it's good to hear from you. I think your question speaks for itself. In conversations, you hear that sentiment stated often -- what happened over the first week or two after the collapse has determined, perhaps irreversibly, the course of the occupation since.

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Iowa City, IA: The recent bombings in Baghdad were clearly the acts of Muslim extremists, and yet we saw reports of crowds chanting anti-American and Israeli slogans. How can we get the message through to such people, who have been subject to so much propaganda, that we are not the enemy?

Anthony Shadid: There's no question that in the wake of those bombings, there was a lot of anger directed at U.S. forces. Part of it was intense frustration, a feeling that violence is only worsening. But I think part of it, too, was a sense among many Iraqis that U.S. forces have a responsibility to bring security to the country. The more attacks, the greater the frustration and hence the anger we saw after the bombings.

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New York. New York: Anthony, I've really enjoyed your detailed reports from Iraq. My question for you is about the Shia groups in Iraq. The impression I get is that they're willing to tolerate American presence, but in general, there is no great liking for American presence. Is that correct ? Also, to what extent is Iran forging relations with Iraqi Shiite groups and is that likely to cause problems for the US in the future ?

Anthony Shadid: Good question. Early on, that was my sense, too. Among many of the political and religious Shiite groups, there was an element of suspicion of U.S. intentions, but a desire to see how the political process would play out. In conversations lately, you get a sense that opinions are shifting, especially as Ayatollah Sistani has begun playing a more aggressive role. I'm not sure where it ends up. But I do sense in Najaf and elsewhere that the clergy are worried that the U.S.-led process may end up leaving them with less power than they believe they deserve as the majority.

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Urbana, Illinois: How do ordinary Iraqis feel about the possibility of American troops staying in Iraq for the next five-ten years? I've read certain news articles that have quoted military officials as saying that American troops will stay in Iraq for several years. Is this necessarily a done deal?

Anthony Shadid: I do believe you'll see a U.S. military presence for at least several years. As of now, most people seem to think the presence is crucial in keeping the country together. Many view a withdrawal as a precursor to more chaos ahead. Whether that remains the case two or three years from now is a different question. The Arab world has a long memory of its colonial past and Western intervention, and policy today is often reflected through that prism.

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washingtonpost.com: Anthony, thank you for joining us online today.

Anthony Shadid: My pleasure. I really enjoyed the questions and discussion. I'm sorry I didn't get to everyone's posting.

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