Text: Bremer Stands By June 30
You said also that the agreement between you and the G.C. regarding the -- on the 15th of Tishri regarding the constitution and the establishment of the government.
Also, with regard to the transition of law, there are some sources gave us a draft of this law that does not refer to Islam in a principal way, does not refer to federalism in a principal way. Do you expect that this law will create a problem? Or would it be a stumbling block or a hamper to transfer of authority and sovereignty to the Iraqis?
BREMER: I don't see much point in getting drawn into a discussion of the various drafts. There have been lots of drafts around.
I think it's better to talk about the principles. And the principles are laid out on November 15th.
And the principles are that the transitional law should recognize the Islamic character with the majority of the Iraqi people, and that there should be freedom of religion, freedom of religious practices, equality before the law for all individuals.
Let's wait and see how this particular document is brought out.
I have said repeatedly over the months that we also believe that a federal structure is the appropriate structure for Iraq; and that response to request from many Iraqis for the benefits of federalism which are providing a clear way to devolve power from the center out to places closer to the people. And we think that's an important thing to happen here after having so many years where all power was held by one man.
I expect that the transitional law will address both the question of Islam and federalism. And when the time comes, I'll have comments on it.
QUESTION: Just to pick up on that point, I just wanted to be clear about this. Just a couple of days ago, you appeared to indicate quite clearly that, in your view, it would not be acceptable for Islamic sharia law to be the basis of Iraq's transitional law. And my blunt question to you is: Truly what business is it of yours to define Iraq's future laws when it's a sovereign nation?
BREMER: We are in the process of discussing this and many, many other issues about what should be in the transitional law over the period ahead.
We are basing that on the principles that were agreed upon between the governing council and us on November 15th. And we intend to reach agreement with them on schedule by next week on this and many other aspects, federalism among others.
We have an obligation as the sovereign power to do our best to ensure that an appropriate, democratic structure is put in place here while we are here so that we can deliver to the Iraqis what they want, which is a democratic, unified, stable country at peace with itself; a consistent message we've had for the last 10 months.
QUESTION: Mr. Bremer, is it possible for you to explain to us the reason for releasing Zadu Hamwadi (ph) from jail even though we know that the G.C. was not consulted in this matter? Also, the Iraqi street rejects the releasing of any person from the previous regime. I would like you to clarify the subject to us.
BREMER: We conduct our activities in relation to people we detain in accordance with our obligations under international law, in this particular case the fourth Geneva Convention.
BREMER: I'm not familiar with all the details of the case of Mr. Hamwadi (ph), but I understand that he was questioned, and it was determined that he no longer posed a security threat to the coalition. And, in accordance with our obligations under the Geneva Convention, he was released.
If the Iraqi people and the Iraqi government has reason to believe that he committed crimes, he can be arrested and brought before the special tribunal, if that's what the Iraqi people want to do, and brought to justice.
And that is the case of all of the people who are accused of crimes, whether they are among the highest-value detainees, the top 55, or others. If there are reasons to believe they've committed crimes, they can be brought to justice, and we will help in that process as we go forward.
QUESTION: There was a list that was issued with names of agents and advisers for the ministries of the Iraqi state. Has it been confirmed or are there any changes, eliminating some names or adding new names?
BREMER: I'm not sure which list you're talking about. If you're talking about the nominations for the deputy ministers that were made to me by the governing council, I'm in the process of examining that list, and I'm having discussions with ministers about the proposals for their deputies, and I expect that when that process is over I will make appointments of the deputy ministers. But that process is just now getting under way.
QUESTION: What are your views today on the governing council and what kind of a job they're doing? Do you think that they're representative of the people and they've established some credibility with the Iraqi people?
BREMER: The governing council is working well. Right now they are focusing very heavily on the drafting of this temporary law of administration, which is an extremely important document for the transitional period that Iraq is entering.
They have, at least according to the polls -- and it's hard to know about polls in a society that is still only getting itself organized -- but the polls suggest that they've made quite a lot of progress in achieving credibility.
I think they have worked heard. They have appointed an extremely able cabinet. By agreeing to the November 15th agreement, they have set out over the next year and a half a path that takes Iraq through a constitutional convention, the writing of a constitution, the first time in Iraqi history, and elections for a democratic parliament by the end of 2005.
BREMER: And I think those are accomplishments of which they can be rightly proud.
QUESTION: Do you think that they would be capable of continuing on and as an interim government in some fashion?
BREMER: Well, I said earlier, there are dozens of ideas around. And I think it's appropriate now that we await the independent view of the United Nations on the question of, first of all, are elections possible by June and, secondly, if not, what is the best way to approach a transitional government? And I think it's appropriate that we allow the United Nations to consider that question, come back with their recommendations.
QUESTION: Could I ask you to be a little bit more specific on the economy, and compare about a year ago to today and also maybe compare the north, the Kurdish area, to the economy around the rest of the country?
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