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A Civil Service That Fails Today's Test

But bit by bit, a series of crises has allowed some parts of the government to break free. In 1996, recurring problems in hiring air traffic controllers highlighted an impending air traffic control emergency. A year later, congressional hearings revealed widespread problems in the IRS, including accusations that its employees did not focus enough on serving citizens.

Congress subsequently allowed each agency to create its own personnel system. Top officials won the right to create "broadband" pay scales, which provided more flexibility for determining how much to pay employees. They also got more flexibility in hiring, transferring and rewarding workers. Public employee unions fought hard and retained whistleblower protections, veterans' preference, and protection of employee rights by the Merit Systems Protection Board.


The wrong type: An outmoded federal civil service system can no longer meet the challenges that our modern government faces, the author argues. () Underwood & Underwood/corbis)

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Separating 'Spoils' and Service

Leave it to the ancient Chinese to think of it first. No, not fireworks, but the civil service -- the non-legislative, non-judicial, non-military branches of government that select their employees by competitive exam. In the United States, the civil service notion took root in the late 19th century, in reaction to the notorious "spoils system" (as in "to the victor belong the spoils"), by which elected politicians filled government jobs with their friends and supporters. In 1883, the Pendleton Act attempted to divorce civil service from political patronage. But it wasn't easy. As one New York politico declared: "You can't keep an organization together without patronage. Men ain't in politics for nothin'." Here are some key dates in the evolution of civil service:

CHINA
206 B.C.-220 A.D.
The Han dynasty uses competitive exams to select civil officials.

PRUSSIA
Mid-1600s
Frederick William, elector of Brandenburg, creates a civil administration staffed through competitive exams.

FRANCE
1790s-Early 1800s
Napoleonic reforms transform the royal service into a civil service.

UNITED STATES
1820s-60s
U.S. civilian workforce, 1821: 6,914
After President Andrew Jackson introduces the spoils system to federal government, lines of job-seekers form daily around the White House. With neither the rival Whig nor the Democratic parties dominant enough to hold on to the presidency, the constant changes in the workforce cripple the career service. Agitation for reform begins after the Civil War (1861-65). The excesses of New York City's Tammany Hall political machine also prompt calls for reform on the national level.

GREAT BRITAIN
1855
The civil service is established, strictly excluding British civil servants from politics.

UNITED STATES
1870s
U.S. civilian workforce, 1871:
51,020
In 1871, Congress authorizes President Ulysses S. Grant, whose administration is riddled with corruption, to appoint a Civil Service Commission, but it lasts just a few years. President Rutherford B. Hayes uses competitive testing to fill federal positions.

1880s
U.S. civilian workforce, 1881:
100,020
Reform efforts take off after President James Garfield's assassination in 1881 by a man believed to be a deranged office seeker. Two years later, the Pendleton Act re-establishes the Civil Service Commission, ending the practice of assessing federal workers a portion of their salary for the benefit of the political party that appointed them. The act makes it unlawful to fire or demote employees for political reasons and establishes the merit system in offices with more than 50 employees, covering about 10 percent of workers.

1889-1890s
U.S. civilian workforce, 1891:
157,442
Appointed to the Civil Service Commission, Theodore Roosevelt devotes himself to combating the still-entrenched spoils system. The number of jobs subject to competitive exams goes up, and women become eligible for civil service positions.

1900s
U.S. civilian workforce, 1901:
239,476
Involvement in party politics wanes as workforce professionalism rises.

1920s
U.S. civilian workforce, 1921:
561,141
Eighty percent of the civil service is operating under merit system rules.

1930s
U.S. civilian workforce, 1931:
609,746
FDR's New Deal creates numerous agencies whose staffs are not subject to the merit system, but new rules adopted in 1938 extend the system to 90 percent of the nation's 1.8 million civil employees.

1940s
U.S. civilian workforce, 1941:
1,437,682
The 1940 Hatch Act forbids campaign contributions by officeholders. The civil service expands to 3.8 million during World War II, but the merit system is virtually abandoned. Administrators begin to chafe at new procedures that make it difficult to remove poor workers.

1970s
U.S. civilian workforce, 1970:
2,981,574
Partly in response to corruption in the Nixon administration, the Civil Service Reform Act of 1978 abolishes the Civil Service Commission, splitting its functions among the Office of Personnel Management, Federal Labor Relations Authority and Merit Service Protection Board.

1990s
U.S. civilian workforce, 1990:
3,128,267
New rules allow most civil servants to engage in political activity on their own time. Breaking with the civil service system, Congress allows the Federal Aviation Administration and the IRS to adopt new personnel rules.

2000s
U.S. civilian workforce, 2001:
2,709,956
A new personnel system is proposed for the newly created Department of Homeland Security. The Defense Department follows suit.

SOURCES: Infoplease.com, Reader's Companion to American History, Digital History, Historyalive.com, Federaltimes.com, U.S. Statistical Abstract

The issue of civil service protections was a large part of the debate over creating the Department of Homeland Security after 9/11. President Bush at first strongly opposed the idea of a new Cabinet department. But just as Democrats appeared poised to push it through Congress, Bush shifted course. In a remarkably clever play, he became the proposal's biggest champion -- provided that the new agency would be allowed to operate under fundamentally different civil service rules.

Bobby Harnage Sr., national president of the American Federation of Government Employees, one of the government's largest unions, charged that the administration's pursuit of "flexibility" was just "a code word for denial of due process to federal employees," and that existing laws already gave top managers all the flexibility they needed.

But behind the political battles was the very real problem that the 22 existing agencies (including the Secret Service, the Coast Guard and others) being folded into the newly-created department had vastly different cultures and considerably overlapping responsibilities. Even more important, the new department faced challenges for which none of the agencies was fully prepared.

What emerged from the squabble tracked with what former Federal Reserve Board chairman Paul Volcker, who chaired two commissions on civil service reform, had long recommended: a government whose structure matches its missions, with related functions put in the same department, and where managers have more flexibility in recruiting, paying, managing and disciplining employees. But even though those pieces are in place at DHS, the department still lacks a sufficient internal brain, shaped by top career bureaucrats with enough institutional memory to guide the department through transitions like the current one, in which many of the top political positions are vacant.

Reform has to happen, but there are three big problems with the civil service system that's emerging. One is the piecemeal fashion in which current reform is taking place. The FAA and IRS have struggled to make their new system work. Employees are not always being assigned where they're needed, and morale problems have continued. The second problem is that the other half of the government continues to slog along with all the old problems and little hope of resolution. Third and perhaps most important, the fragmentation of the civil service is eating away at the ethos that once defined the company town.

"Right now, what we've got is everyone cutting their own deals," Comptroller General David Walker warned last December. What's missing, he said, is a "core set of values and principles" to define the job of the civil servant, "the glue that binds us together."

In its commitment to employment through merit instead of patronage, the old system once provided this glue. The rapid pace of change and the new challenges facing government have eaten away at it. But in the breathless press for change, the emerging civil service system is galloping ahead without a fresh sense of what the ethos of civil servants ought to be. There's a lot of talk about flexibility. There's a lot less talk about what that flexibility is for.

Still, with billions of taxpayer dollars -- and even lives -- at stake, something will have to give. Neither the company town nor the rest of the country can afford a public service that isn't up to the job.

Author's e-mail: dkettl@sas.upenn.edu

Don Kettl is a professor of political science at the University of Pennsylvania's Fels Institute of Government and the author of "System Under Stress: Homeland Security and American Politics" (CQ Press).


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