Iraq: The Latest

U.S. military operations and firefights raged across Iraq Wednesday, with military authorities reporting the deaths of a number of Iraqi and foreign insurgents, as well as the deaths of one additional soldier. Twelve U.S. Marines were killed in action in the city of Ramadi Tuesday night.

In addition to fighting insurgents in Fallujah and other mostly Sunni cities in an area that includes the main base of support for former president Saddam Hussein, U.S. forces and coalition allies also have been drawn into a battle against the followers of a radical Shiite cleric, Moqtada Sadr, in a Baghdad slum and in other cities south of the capital.

Washington Post Foreign Correspondent Sewell Chan was online Live From Baghdad, Thursday, April 8 at 11 a.m. ET, to discuss the latest developments.

Read today's stories:

Rotation Reassessed as Toll Spikes (Post, April 8)

Violence May Spike During Shiite Holiday, Commander Says (Post, April 8)

Under Fire, Security Firms Form An Alliance (Post, April 8)

A transcript follows.

Editor's Note: Washingtonpost.com moderators retain editorial control over Live Online discussions and choose the most relevant questions for guests and hosts; guests and hosts can decline to answer questions.

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washingtonpost.com: Sewell Chan, thank you for taking time out from your reporting in Baghdad to join us online today.

Much activity in Iraq -- Fallujah, Karbala, Najaf, Kut, etc. Can you bring us up to date on what's happening now?

Sewell Chan: Hi everyone. Thanks for joining me in this online chat. According to the U.S. military, today has been somewhat quieter than the past four days. There was sporadic fighting overnight in Karbala, but no fatalities reported. The Marines are continuing Operation Valiant Resolve, trying to pacify and reoccupy the western city of Fallujah. The southern cities of Najaf and Kut remain under the control of militia members loyal to Moqtada Sadr, the 30-year-old Shiite Muslim cleric who has vociferously criticized the American-led occupation.

In Baghdad, I was at a press conference this afternoon at which Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez, the top US commander in Iraq, told reporters that he expects "a sustained campaign" to root out Mahdi's Army, as Sadr's militia is known. Sanchez also said that the violence could continue, or even escalate, until U.S-led forces prevail against the militia.

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New York, N.Y.: There are reports of the Shiites joining the Sunnis to fight the coalition forces. Do you think this is a sign that the insurgency is moved beyond former Baathists and into the general population?

Sewell Chan: This is an excellent question, and one that journalists -- and generals -- are trying to get answers to. Sanchez, the top US general in Iraq, told reporters today that the military has seen signs of a Sunni-Shiite alliance to fight the coalition forces only at "the very lowest levels." But there are signs that Sadr has at least sympathy, if not outright support, among non-Shiites in many places in Iraq; posters with Sadr's image, for example, have appeared in overwhelmingly Sunni Fallujah and in also across many parts of Baghdad.

It isn't at all clear, by the way, that the insurgency began with "former Baathists" to begin with. As my colleagues Karl Vick and Anthony Shadid have reported, there has been quite a bit of sympathy for Sadr from poor and disenfranchised urban Shiites who had contempt for Saddam Hussein's regime. The military believes that the resistance is still mostly from Sadr's militia and from cells of insurgents and does not make up -- at least yet -- a popular uprising.

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Miami, Fla.: To what degree is the Shia insurgency in control of Kut? The WP and the NYT seem to indicate that this town's center is out of coalition control. Is this indicative of the possibility that other towns in the south will soon come under insurgency control?

Sewell Chan: We were told today that the southern cities of Kut and Najaf are the only towns in Iraq that are largely under the Sadr militia's control -- meaning that militia members have control of local government facilities and police stations. Other towns in the south -- including Nasiriyah and Amarah -- have seen combat in the last few days. It's a complex area that is formally under the control of a multi-national division led by Polish officials. My colleague Tom Ricks today has a good discussion of this.

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Alexandria, Va.: Do the majority of the Iraqi people that you've met support the goals and methods of the insurgents?

Sewell Chan: This is a great question. US officials maintain that the "vast majority" of Iraqis support the path charged by U.S. planners toward democracy and sovereignty. They have released polls showing that most people support a continued US security presence in the country after June 30 -- the scheduled date for the inception of a new Iraqi interim government. It's clear, however, that there is a deep vein of resentment, or even hatred, of the US occupation. It was interesting that after the killing last week of four American security guards in Fallujah, several clerics condemned the mutilation of their bodies but not necessarily the attacks themselves.

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Washington, D.C.: Dear Mr. Chan,
How aware is the average Iraqi in Baghdad of the recent surge in violence? For those who are aware of it, how is it affecting their daily activities? Thank you for keeping us informed about life in Iraq.

Sewell Chan: Thanks for writing. I think average Iraqis in the capital are hugely aware of the surge in violence. There are more than 200 Arabic-language newspapers in Iraq, and the headlines and newscasts on al-Jazeera and al-Arabiya seem to show nothing but the violence at times. An official who works inside the "Green Zone," where the occupation authority is based, told me that there are delays in getting laundry done and offices cleaned because many Baghdad employees are afraid to go to work and to be recognized as working with the Americans.

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Rochester, N.Y.: How far has the combat spread? Is it in isolated pockets, or is it everywhere? Are food markets in Baghdad open, or is everyone at home?

Sewell Chan: Thanks for writing.

As we've reported, the combat has been concentrated in pockets of western, central and southern Iraq. In the capital of Baghdad, most of the fighting so far has been in Sadr City, a very large and poor area of some two million residents in the northeast section of the city. But there have been mortar and small-arms attacks in several other neighborhoods, and to hear gunfire or mortars go off in central Baghdad is, unfortunately, not uncommon.

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washingtonpost.com: Some Allies Reconsider Their Occupation Roles (Post, April 8)

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College Park, Md.: Well, the insurgents have 'brought it on' as requested by Bush.

With the new fighting and the cancellation of leaves, rotations, and discharges, how is the morale and unit cohesion among the troops? (not the generals, but the real troops who had hoped to get an education and some travel out of their service)

Sewell Chan: These are great questions. As The Post has reported, there is discussion in the Pentagon about whether to summon more troops to Iraq, and some of the coalition partners, including Bulgaria, have asked for this as well. Military commanders we've spoken to have been circumspect on this topic; it's politically sensitive, because calling in more troops might suggest -- accurately or not -- that the current number is not adequate to contain the insurgency. I don't have a good sense whether this has affected morale or cohesion at the ground level. I suspect it could, especially if deployments are lengthened and if units that fought in the war last year are sent back at the end of this year or early 2005.

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Atlanta, Ga.: Dear Sewell,

I work at the Carter Center in Atlanta and I was wondering if there has been a shift in attitude among U.S. troops in recent days in light of the growing resistance.

Best wishes, stay safe.

Sewell Chan: Hello Carter Center! Thanks for writing. I think that a lot of troops and commanders have been thinking in the past week about urban warfare and the challenges of block-by-block and even house-by-house fighting. The number of casualties sustained by the Marines in Fallujah and Ramadi (about 20) has been considerable. General Sanchez was asked today about whether the US had adequately planned for this kind of combat, and he replied: "We knew before we started this campaign that that was a possibility and ... were prepared to engage in this kind of an operation if it became necessary."

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Cozumel, Mexico: What difference will a turnover in political power make regarding violence, when our troops stay? In fact, won't it be worse once our hand-picked government is in place? Who will be deciding what targets to hit and so on?

Also, what sense does it make to put the new Iraqi government in charge of whether we send more troops. Isn't that kind of like asking General Nguyen Cao Ky whether he wants more U.S. troops. Of course he does ... to keep him in power and crush his enemies.

Sewell Chan: It's an excellent question to ask whether the June 30 handover of power is substantial, or mostly symbolic. Neither the shape of the interim government -- which is supposed to be in power for no more than seven months, until legislative elections are held in January -- nor the logistics of the elections has been resolved.

I think that many US officials are hoping that after June 30, whatever interim government takes over has sufficient legitimacy that ordinary Iraqis will really feel that they are in control of the political process. Resentment of the military occupation, which will continue, would then die down. That may be too optimistic though. The experience with the U.S.-appointed Iraqi Governing Council has been that many Iraqis distrust these appointees as tools of the U.S., even though it's a very representative body. Few mature and independent leaders have emerged, however, to take the Governing Council's place.

On your second question, it's not correct that the new Iraqi government will decide whether the US sends more troops. That decision is entirely in the hands of US officials, and I'd be surprised if that ever changed.

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London: Hi
If this unrest continues will the U.S. turn the clock back and present a fundamental solution to the Iraqi people, which is to revisit 1921 arrangement that made ?Iraq', after all Shia, Sunni and Kurds have different agendas and aspiration, so the imposition of the legal nicety may cause continuous violence and serious concern to U.S. interests.

Sewell Chan: I'm no expert, but I'd be very surprised if the US ever backed a plan to revise Iraq's borders, which as you point out were devised after World War I (and with a great deal of British input). The U.S. approach has been to create a federal government for Iraq, one that respects minority rights (especially of the Kurds and Sunni Arabs) and allows for the 18 provinces to share a fair amount of power with the central government in Baghdad.

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Washington, D.C.: There have been some reports of Iraqi police and Civil Defense units disappearing or going over to the other side. How widespread is this? Initial reports of the siege of Fallujah mention "U.S. and Iraqi" forces, are pro-U.S. Iraqi forces actually taking part?

Sewell Chan: The training and quality of the Iraqi police and Iraqi Civil Defense Corps -- two of the five new Iraqi security forces that have been created and recruited during the U.S-led occupation -- is a huge question. Right now, U.S. officials are saying that their commitment and quality are variable. In the fighting in Sadr City on Sunday and Monday, for example, two police stations were abandoned -- but Iraqi police apparently "consolidated" their presence at the central Thawra police station in Sadr City, and the US military has since retaken the other stations. There have been sporadic reports about Iraqi police vehicles, and even weapons, falling into the hands of insurgents, but it's not clear whether they were seized by force or turned over voluntarily.

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Minneapolis, Minn.: Hello, Mr. Chan,

To your knowledge, what kind of diplomacy is taking place with Sistani and other local power-holders while the U.S. military is cracking down on Sadr and his supporters? Are assurances being made, is money being doled out, have there been promises made for job creation to quell the dissatisfaction and frustration of the poor among the Sadr supporters? It seems to me that a military crackdown absent additional efforts to calm the situation in a longer term way will be futile.

Sewell Chan: Excellent questions.

The US, along with members of the Iraqi Governing Council, are trying to reach out to Ayatollah Sistani, who is probably the most influential cleric in Iraq. But Sistani is himself in a delicate position. He has been eager to demonstrate his autonomy -- and his objections to the U.S.-sponsored interim constitution remain an enormous political problem for the occupation. Sistani is not known as a Sadr ally, but a strong denunciation of the insurgency could seem like a bow to the U.S. Some of Sadr's followers consider Sistani too moderate and Sadr the true representative of Shiite interests.

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New York, N.Y.: A couple of questions for you, Sewell: First, how do you, as a journalist, gauge the tone among Iraqis? Do you speak Arabic? Do you speak with people in the various communities?

Second, do you have a sense whether or not the number of casualties who are children is having any effect on the attitude of the Iraqi people toward the occupation? There were an awful lot of children killed in Fallujah the other day. That seems like a miserable way to win the people's hearts and minds.

Sewell Chan: Thanks for writing.

As an observer here I try my best -- often with the help of translators -- to talk to Iraqis about their mood, aspirations and beliefs. I don't speak Arabic, which is a liability, but I'm aided by a wonderful group of fellow journalists and by a dedicated local staff. We always try to talk to people from different political orientations, religious sects, geographic origins, education levels, ages, genders.

I think the civilian casualties are a big concern here -- Sanchez was peppered with questions today about reports that humanitarian assistance is not getting into Fallujah because of the traffic checkpoints the Marines have set up. The military insists that it tries as hard as possible to conduct precise military operations that minimize civilian casualties. It's hard not to believe this. But when there is combat, there are civilian casualties.

The media, especially Arabic-language satellite TV channels but also foreign media, often show graphic images of civilian casualties. I'm sure it affects people's perceptions of the occupation.

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Alexandria, Va.: An AP report described that mosque that came under attack as being "full of worshippers", but this description was made apparently without any independent confirmation or consultation (contradiction) with U.S. leadership. Was this an irresponsible description, or was it an intentional attempt to paint the Marines in a bad light? One must note the considerable reluctance and avoidance toward conducting combat operations where mosques could be damaged in the past.

Sewell Chan: General Sanchez today showed three slides of the Fallujah mosque after it was bombed. There clearly was damage, but it appeared that the main structures of the mosque, including most of the outer walls, were intact. I don't know about casualties, but the military has said that only "one belligerent" was killed. The Marines have said they had the mosque bombed only after they were fired upon by insurgents who used the mosque for cover.

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Greenbelt, Md.: Can you give your reaction to this quote I saw yesterday from Jen Banbury on Salon.com?

(in response to increasing threats) "Certain news reporters started "covering" stories about events in Iraq by recycling what they read on the Web and watching CNN instead of actually going to the scene."

Since you're on the scene there, do you also see this happening? Could this be why the US public and officials were so unprepared for the current nationalist uprising?

Sewell Chan: I don't see evidence at all that reporters here rely on Web sites or television rather than original reporting. I do think that many reporters have been hampered from going to scenes of combat, in particular, because of roadblocks, closed roads or simply because of the danger level. People have had to rely on telephone reporting and other ways of finding out what's going on in localized conflicts.

It's a great question to ask whether the U.S. should have seen this uprising coming. The militias have been a longstanding concern, and many people are asking why no action was taken against Sadr earlier. It was announced recently that there has been a murder warrant against Sadr since August. Many Iraqis view these charges as political, asking why Sadr was never arrested after all this time. U.S. officials are deeply divided on whether the "hard" or "soft" approach is better. Now, if only be default, he "hard" approach is the one being taken.

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Chicago, Ill.: How does the military plan to take on the Mehdi Army in Najaf, when it risks possibly damaging or destroying sensitive Shiite mosques? Finally, how much Iranian involvement do you suspect in the Shiite uprisings?

Sewell Chan: The US military is trying to stay away from Najaf until the end of Arbaeen, a major Shiite religious festival that begins later this week, because of the great number of pilgrims coming into the city (many of them from Iran). I haven't heard anything yet about Iranian involvement in Sadr's organization or his militia's activities.

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Washington, D.C.: Does the Sadr fellow who is causing all this trouble qualify as a legitimate emerging leader?

He thinks independently, can build and lead a loyal following of soldiers, and has built public support. Why don't we back his effort and stabilize Iraq so people there -- Iraqi and American -- can return to life as normal?

Shutting down newspapers for the sake of freedom, as the American military did to Sadr recently, just doesn't sound like an activity we should be supporting with tax dollars (even though the whole war is deficit-funded).

Sewell Chan: It would be impossible for the US to back Sadr as a credible leader for Iraq, especially after the past week's events. Despite the fervent following of his militia members, there is no evidence that he is a leader with wide national support.

You're correct that many people have criticized the closing of Sadr's al-Hawza newspaper as a bad move. It was ostensibly taken because it allegedly printed lies inciting violence, but it may have only inflamed tensions and drawn more attention to the paper. Ignoring it, some American officials say, may have been the wiser option.

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Atlanta, Ga.: A lot of analysis is going into our military activities. What is happening around efforts rebuild Iraq's infrastructure and provide services to civilians such as medical care?

Sewell Chan: The security situation is certainly hampering -- and overshadowing -- the $18.4 billion reconstruction effort that is supposed to restore Iraq's economy and public infrastructure. In a way it's a chicken-and-egg problem: Popular unrest would subside if people saw tangible progress in their lives, but the rebuilding won't move forward unless the country is safe to work and do business in.

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Loudoun County, Va.: Sewell -- your friends in the hunt country miss you and hope you are safe. You are doing such an amazing job.

Sewell Chan: Thanks! Very kind of you.

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Atlanta, Ga.: The CPA and administration continue to call Sadr's followers a "small and insignificant band of thugs that number in the hundreds.

Has this been independently confirmed? What is the source of this intelligence? George Tenet recently stated the CIA and Army lack good sources, so I am wondering who is providing this information. Is it the governing council? Viewing news footage, and reading about uprisings in at least five cities, it is hard to reconcile such a low number with the information we are receiving from CPA and administration spokes people.

Is this a case of the administration asking "Who are you going to believe, me or your lying eyes"?

24m Iraqis - 60 percent Shia = 14.4 Shia
14.4 Shia - 10 percent Sadr followers = 1.4 million people

Sewell Chan: This is a great question, but I think the answer depends on how you define "followers." The actual number of people picking up mortars, rocket-propelled grenades and AK-47 assault rifles is probably quite small. The number of people who sympathize with Sadr's goals -- and even his methods -- may be considerably larger.

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Athens, Ga.: How many of the pilgrims for the upcoming holiday of Arbaeen are from foreign countries? What is the potential for them to remain in Iraq and join the insurgency?

Sewell Chan: Hundreds of thousands is the estimate we've heard for total participants, but I'm afraid I haven't heard more specifics. The US has cut down the number of official border entry points into Iraq to three and is trying to implement a computerized system to keep track of foreign visitors -- border control is still pretty loose here.

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Anonymous: They've started kidnapping foreigners. Any comment on how that's going to affect the situation? Also, some of the victims are apparently missionaries. Who on earth decided that this was the time to have Christian missionaries wandering around occupied Iraq?

Sewell Chan: I think that several of the missionary and evangelical groups in Iraq have been focusing on humanitarian assistance rather than proselytizing. The kidnapping of foreigners certainly adds a new and frightening element to an already precarious situation.

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Starkville, Miss.: I, among many I suspect, am having trouble with the motivation behind the June 30 transfer deadline. One line of speculation is that the deadline is designed to allow the Iraqis to conduct the trial of Saddam as a backdrop for the U.S. elections. Considering the nebulous nature today of the "authority" to whom we will transfer sovereignty in Iraq, will it be possible for the Iraqis to try Saddam in the fall even if the transfer occurs on June 30?

Sewell Chan: I haven't heard of any direct linkages between the June 30 handover date -- which was set last November -- and the trial of Saddam. Saddam wasn't captured until December.

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Sewell Chan: I've got to run, but thank you all for reading The Washington Post and for taking part in this on-line chat. Best wishes from Baghdad.

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