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Lobbyists, Clients Undeterred by Scandal

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On another occasion, an Abramoff aide, whose name was redacted in the released e-mail, wrote to Abramoff about making up justifications for time billed to Choctaws. "I'm creatively entering your July and August time in now (with the help of some great language that Shawn [Vasell] and Kevin [Ring] have provided)."

The committee also released documents showing cash flowing in and out of a limited liability corporation called KAR LLC that was based at Ring's Maryland home. The corporation received a check for $25,000 on Dec. 15, 2003, from Grassroots Interactive LLC, a company apparently controlled by Abramoff.

In mid-February 2004, a few weeks before the Abramoff-tribal money scandal broke, Abramoff and Ring agreed to a wide-ranging interview with The Washington Post. Shortly afterward, Ring returned the $25,000 to Grassroots Interactive.

Ring's corporation also received $125,000 in the spring of 2002 from Scanlon's public affairs firm, Capital Campaign Strategies. The notation on one check cited a "referral expense." McCain said Wednesday the money appeared to have come from the Pueblo of Sandia Tribe of New Mexico.

"What services benefiting the Pueblo Sandia did you provide for that $125,000?" McCain asked Ring, before answering his own question. "In fact, you didn't provide any services, according to the information that we have."

McCain also questioned Ring about an e-mail he sent Abramoff asking for "some help from a client to subsidize me joining a club." Ring said he needed $800 for the initiation fee at the exclusive University Club in Northwest Washington.

After Abramoff offered to pay the tab, Ring said, "Really? There is no way to bury this in Choctaw or SGMA [another client] bill?"

McCain asked Ring for an explanation. "I respectfully invoke my constitutional right under the Fifth Amendment," Ring said.

Another intriguing, but cryptic, e-mail exchange between Abramoff and Ring seems to be about billing. The subject line reads "Choctaw" and the e-mail refers to GT, or Greenberg Traurig.

Ring: "How much does GT bread cost Choctaw? $1.50 per loaf plus or minus a few cents. this loaf cost $1.19 and I was wondering if I should increase price or leave as is. Know what I mean?"

Abramoff: "The loaf should cost no less than $1.50."

When Ring left Greenberg Traurig for Barnes & Thornburg a few months ago, he brought many former Abramoff clients, including the International Interactive Alliance, the Gibraltar-based group that advocates for gambling on the Internet.

Money from the International Interactive Alliance was the subject of another unusual flow of cash. In 2003, the alliance gave $1.5 million to Greenberg Traurig, which then gave it to a nonprofit group, which then gave it to Kaygold LLC, a company controlled by Abramoff, congressional records and testimony show.

For the Choctaws, Ring has tried to win support for an amendment by Rep. J.D. Hayworth (R-Ariz.) that would exempt tribal casinos from labor laws on the grounds that the tribes are sovereign governments.

Hayworth has a long relationship with Team Abramoff. He used sports skyboxes that Abramoff charged to clients from 1999 to 2001 but failed to report the use to the Federal Election Commission until late last year, after publicity about the federal investigation of Abramoff. Hayworth's amended reports show his campaign fund reimbursed two Abramoff clients -- the Choctaw and Chitimacha -- $12,880 for using the sports suites five times.

According to records obtained by The Post, Ring last month coordinated with Hayworth's office on a letter to members of Congress from Choctaw Chief Phillip Martin seeking support for the tribal labor amendment.

The amendment to the Labor, Education, and Health and Human Services appropriations bill was defeated Friday, 256 to 146.

Research editor Lucy Shackelford, researcher Alice Crites and database editor Derek Willis contributed to this report.


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