Anatomy of a Protest: In Cairo, One Camp Is Soon Two

"I want to ask them if they are really serious," said Ishaq, the Kifaya leader. "I don't think they're clear enough yet, and I don't understand them exactly. We need them to show us exactly what they want."

The Brotherhood, in its statements, says it wants what Kifaya and others want: free and fair elections, pluralism, public freedoms, an end to elements of martial law, the release of prisoners and a campaign against corruption. It insists that no change is possible without all political forces in Egypt coming together. But at times, it hints at a fact acknowledged by many: These days, only the Brotherhood has the numbers, organization, history and discipline to exert concerted pressure on Mubarak.

"The government knows well that the current that enjoys popularity and speaks the language that attracts support in the Egyptian street is the Islamic current," said Ali Abdel Fattah, a Muslim Brotherhood spokesman.

As the protest dragged on Wednesday, differences erupted in the open. Abdel Fattah said the more secular groups had agreed not to insult the president, and Brotherhood followers had pledged to refrain from religious chants.

The deal lasted about a half-hour.

"Down, down, Hosni Mubarak!" leftists began shouting.

The Brotherhood followers stayed silent, then erupted: "With our souls, with our blood, we sacrifice for you, Islam."

Others joined in, trading chants. Leftists called Mubarak a coward and an American lackey. The Brotherhood followers answered that there was no alternative to Islamic law. "Jihad is the solution," some intoned.

The Brotherhood followers stayed in place, packed inside the cordon of security forces. Leftists marched down the street to the Journalists' Syndicate as Abdel Fattah and others made fervent efforts to close the ranks.

In an irony for a Bush administration promoting reform, the common denominator for both is a distrust of U.S. intentions.

Much of the organizing among secular groups came about in support of the Palestinian uprising and against the U.S. invasion of Iraq. An endorsement of U.S. policy -- even the perception -- is almost a sure way to destroy credibility. At one protest in June in the lower-middle-class area of Shubra, participants recalled, the appearance of protesters in Western clothes and men with long hair irked some residents. Afterward, activists suggested sprinkling in more anti-American chants to bolster their credentials.

While many acknowledge that U.S. pressure has provided crucial space for dissent, resentment lingers over past American support for Mubarak. There is suspicion, too, that calls for reform go only so far: Many argue that the United States wants a more benign government in the mold of Mubarak rather than a full-fledged democracy that would bring to power the Brotherhood and others.

"Whoever serves American interests, they'll put him on the throne," said Maged Hassan, a 26-year-old engineer.

By 7:15 p.m., the crowds began to disperse, as the Brotherhood declared the protest over. Within a half-hour, columns of riot police, some double-timing it, returned to their trucks. Those who remained tightened their cordon around dozens of leftists still chanting. Traffic surged along Ramsis Street, and leaflets littered the sidewalk. "Yes to national reform," one torn poster read.

As dusk settled over Cairo, pierced by the muezzin's call to prayer, a group of about 30 youths set off down the street for downtown. They were boisterous, exuberant and sure of their conviction. A knot of white-uniformed police suspiciously tailed them.

"Even the police are coming with us to say, 'No to Mubarak!' " they shouted as they pressed ahead.