Chipping Away at Campaign Reform

Berman was equally busy lobbying the three Democratic commissioners. He also enlisted the most influential Democrat he could find, House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi, to call Democratic commissioners to condemn the general counsel's opinion.

It worked. On Aug. 18, the commission voted to overrule its lawyer and allow unlimited solicitation of funds by members of Congress to fight the redistricting initiative. The advisory opinion is not subject to court challenge.

In a show of some embarrassment, the commission issued its ruling without providing any legal rationale for the decision. It just did what its congressional masters required.

This is, sadly, only the latest example of the way in which Congress is backsliding on the effort to curb the political money chase.

Mitch McConnell, the Senate Republican whip, arranged to have an amendment added to an appropriations bill that would loosen the restrictions on "leadership PACs," the campaign committees that many leading members of both parties use to funnel money into the campaigns of their colleagues and their parties, as a way of garnering support for future leadership contests. Now, transfers from those committees are limited in size. McConnell's amendment would erase those limits.

Sens. John McCain and Russ Feingold have vowed to fight the amendment on the Senate floor. Meantime, the whole question of billionaire-funded "527" groups, the ostensibly independent campaign committees that played such a prominent role in the 2004 campaign, is still before Congress.

Some want to subject them to the same rules as apply to the parties. Others want to deregulate the parties to enable them to compete on even terms with the 527s. Neither approach commands a clear majority.

But with public attention focused on Iraq, hurricanes and gas prices, the loophole-openers are having their way.

davidbroder@washpost.com