A Search for Order, an Answer in the Law

"I was teaching then, and it used to irk me," she said. "I read poems that had something to do with the atmosphere and the trees when we were not permitted to read the Bible."

As a federal appellate judge, Alito would repeatedly rule for more religious expression in public spheres.

In 1964, the Supreme Court transformed the legislature that Sam Alito Sr. served, ruling in Reynolds v. Sims that the Constitution required individual legislative districts to have essentially equal numbers of voters -- one man, one vote. The opinion prompted a dissent from Harlan that, according to a friend and former colleague Douglas W. Kmiec, is one of the nominee's favorites.

"The Constitution is not a panacea for every blot upon the public welfare, nor should this Court, ordained as a judicial body, be thought of as a general haven for reform movements," Harlan wrote. "This Court . . . does not serve its high purpose when it exceeds its authority, even to satisfy justified impatience with the political process."

The elder Alito became the New Jersey legislature's redistricting expert, drawing district lines that shifted power from sparsely populated rural counties to cities and suburbs. In the process, the state Senate turned Democratic for the first time in 52 years. As always, Alito Senior expressed no opinion of the result.

At about this time, politics and government became a fascination for his son, and, according to a job application to the Reagan administration, he was impressed by Goldwater's 1964 presidential campaign, a crusade against communism and Washington's dictates to the states in areas including civil rights and public school prayer. Alito became a regular viewer of Buckley's "Firing Line" television program.

Fellow high school debater James Castranova remembers Alito speaking with enthusiasm about reading Buckley's National Review, the opinion journal credited with helping to launch the modern conservative movement. He also recalled Alito's excitement when then-California Gov. Ronald Reagan, a rising conservative star, was roundly deemed the winner of a 1967 televised debate with then-Sen. Robert F. Kennedy (D-N.Y.).

"He was just fascinated that Reagan was able to get the better of Bobby Kennedy," Castranova said.

Castranova emphasized that Alito never trumpeted his views, lest he jeopardize his father's reputation for impartiality. In the 1968 yearbook of Victor McDonald, a vocal supporter of Richard M. Nixon, Alito teased: "Who will replace you next year as Steinert High School's biggest reactionary? I doubt anybody can be as FAR RIGHT as you."

'Tradition, Order and Authority'

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Former Princeton professor Dennis F. Thompson, now at Harvard, remembers a freshman named Sam Alito from 37 years ago for one reason: He was a conservative.

Thompson assigned students in his political theory class to develop a world view of their own, drawing on philosophers. A tide of liberal and left-wing visions rolled in, with a notable exception. "It wasn't conservative in terms of political issues of the day," Thompson recalled of Alito's paper. "It was more about principles -- a respect for tradition, order and authority."

As the antiwar movement engulfed Princeton, Alito stood outside the fray, finding mentors in books and journals of ideas. In the spring of 1970, after the United States invaded Cambodia, students voted overwhelmingly to postpone classes to campaign against the war.