Iran Calling Wider World to Its Side

Iran's outspoken president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, prays at the grave of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, leader of the 1979 revolution. Nuclear diplomacy is left to the mild-mannered Ali Larijani, below, head of Iran's Supreme National Security Council. (By Mehdi Ghasemi -- Isna Via Associated Press)

But the new policy of confrontation differs from the bare-knuckled militancy of the early 1980s, a period Ahmadinejad invoked with nostalgia during his June election campaign. In the years following the 1979 Islamic revolution, the newly formed theocracy married ideology with religion to cast Iran as leader of the Muslim world. Ruling clerics vowed to export the revolution and fashion a civilization independent of Western "toxins."

Ahmadinejad's attention-getting screeds against Israel harked to that heritage. But analysts and diplomats said the outreach to Latin America smacked of realpolitik, dovetailing neatly with Iran's nuclear diplomacy.

It also involves reviving another moribund concept: the Non-Aligned Movement, as many Third World nations dubbed themselves during the Cold War to signal their independence from the Western and Communist blocs. To them, Iran argues that as a signatory to the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty it is guaranteed the right to an atomic program to produce electricity. The world's most powerful counties are exercising a double standard by threatening sanctions if Iran proceeds with plans to do just that, say Iranian officials, who deny allegations that the country wants nuclear weapons.

The argument has found traction among some developing countries that account for 17 of the 35 seats on the governing board of the International Atomic Energy Agency, the U.N.'s nuclear watchdog. India, with its 1 billion people a natural nonaligned leader, is considered pivotal in any vote. Cuba and Venezuela sit on the board as well, along with South Africa, a respected nonaligned spokesman.

"Iran has managed to do two important things. First, it revived the nonaligned movement as a powerful, swayable group," said a European diplomat who asked not to be quoted by name. Second, Britain, France, China, Russia and the United States -- the five permanent members of the Security Council -- reacted by starting to coordinate their stance toward Iran.

"Both are probably bad things, because the effect has been to deeply politicize the IAEA," the diplomat said.

Ahmadinejad appears to relish his role in the effort. "He wants to fight the powerful, whether they be domestic or international," said Hadian-Jazy, who has stayed in touch with Ahmadinejad since they were in grade school together.

Elected in June on a populist platform that promised poor Iranians a share of the country's oil wealth, Ahmadinejad speaks often of what he calls painful truths. He often speaks expansively of the human appetite for "spirituality" and "justice" and refers to himself as "just a teacher."

"His speeches are great, fantastic, kind of '60s Third World stuff," said a European diplomat based in Tehran. "It's funny this stuff is going on in South America at the same time."

Some in Iran's establishment question whether rhetoric is most effective. "We can't achieve our demands only with shouting," said Afrough, the lawmaker. "The Western world, having these very complex facilities, they still use the media. We need to use that more, because that's the only tool we have."

But others point out that Iran is working other levers as well. Last week the country's central bank said Iran was pulling its cash out of European banks. A day later the same office denied that any transfers had occurred. The resulting confusion was intentional, said Hamidreza Taraqqi, a senior official of the Islamic Coalition, an Iranian religious party.

"It depends on the decision of Europe," he said with a smile. "If they defend our rights on the nuclear issue, the money will stay. If they follow America, the money will go out."

Staff writer Dafna Linzer in Vienna contributed to this report.