Page 2 of 2   <      

A Mayoral Free-for-All In Changed New Orleans

Louisiana Lt. Gov. Mitch Landrieu fills out paperwork for his campaign to be mayor of the Crescent City. Some black leaders worry that Hurricane Katrina evacuees, many of whom relocated, will have difficulty casting votes.
Louisiana Lt. Gov. Mitch Landrieu fills out paperwork for his campaign to be mayor of the Crescent City. Some black leaders worry that Hurricane Katrina evacuees, many of whom relocated, will have difficulty casting votes. (By Alex Brandon -- Associated Press)

"It's a nationwide campaign," Nagin said last week after filing papers.

But as formidable as the logistical challenges may be, it is the new racial balance in the city created by Hurricane Katrina that has lent the mayoral contest a particularly volatile character.

The racial fears and anger now coalescing around the election began to stir as far back as the flooding that left thousands of poor, black New Orleanians stranded for days inside the Louisiana Superdome -- and then got worse as authorities began to speak of New Orleans with a diminished black population.

In the weeks after the storm, Jimmy Reiss, a wealthy New Orleans businessman, angered many blacks with a comment in the Wall Street Journal: "Those who want to see this city rebuilt want to see it done in a completely different way: demographically, geographically and politically."

Then Secretary Alphonso Jackson of the Department of Housing and Urban Development, in a visit to Houston, told the Houston Chronicle that "New Orleans is not going to be as black as it was for a long time, if ever again."

Some black leaders, such as Stephen Bradberry, a neighborhood organizer with ACORN in New Orleans, still refer to those remarks. ACORN (a community organization of low- and moderate-income families) and another group sued in federal court to compel the state to open out-of-state polling places for Katrina evacuees, most of whom are black. The court ruled against the idea.

Now those potential voters must travel long distances or perform a two-step mail-in process: They must first write to request a ballot and then send it in.

"It's almost so obvious that there's a concerted plan to make this a whiter city," Bradberry said. "You don't want to believe it because it would be too disturbing."

Thomas, of the council, and others also have faulted the state for not having polling sites outside of Louisiana.

"They had all kinds of excuses why that couldn't happen," Thomas said of the proposed out-of-state voting boxes. "But the Iraqi people voted. Why can't we do that for all of our voters?"

The mayoral election, originally scheduled for Feb. 4, had to be postponed because of hurricane damage. Then even the date chosen for the new election -- April 22 -- became, for some black leaders, a racial issue.

Some business and political leaders urged that the election be held as early as possible to keep the incumbents' terms from being extended without voter approval. But Bradberry and other activists said it should be delayed to give evacuees, many of them black, more time to move back to the city.

But it is in the cast of candidates, and in particular the altered standing of Nagin -- once viewed as the darling of white voters -- that the new demographics are having their most powerful repercussions.

In winning election four years ago, Nagin won large majorities among white voters. Then an event in the middle of his term revealed the distance between many black leaders and Nagin. A prominent black minister castigated him on a television show as a "white man in black skin." Nagin, said Bishop Paul Morton in the 2004 program, had let the city slip into an "apartheid state."

But Katrina has changed everything in New Orleans, including the political landscape.

"First, people said [Nagin] was too white," Thomas said. "Now they're saying he's too black."

This is partly due to Nagin's comments in January that God wants New Orleans to be a "chocolate city." But the appearance of credible white challengers to Nagin, raising the possibility that the new demographics might shift the mayor's office back to a white politician, has also changed attitudes.

Morton, once a strong Nagin critic, now finds himself concerned about the mayor's prospects against the white candidates.

"This mayor was really pro-white," he said. Now "they're turning on him so quick. I really have a problem with that. Why are they turning on him now when he was their man right before Katrina?"


<       2

© 2006 The Washington Post Company