A Jackpot From Indian Gaming Tribes

Abramoff declined to catalogue the accomplishments he has brought the tribes. Asked what he provides the tribes for the fee of $180,000 a month that each pays , he said: "I think we bring an order of magnitude in terms of our success and our approach on behalf of the tribes. A lot of these tribes who have thrown off the relatively inexpensive lobbyists basically come to us with the comment of 'you get what you pay for.'"

Scanlon declined to be interviewed, but he said in a faxed statement that some newly elected tribal leaders have criticized him because they "want to send business to their own guys."

"The bottom line is that my firm delivers. We provide expensive services, in an expensive industry and we get the job done," his statement said.

Abramoff's lobbying fees must be publicly reported under federal laws, but Scanlon's revenue is largely hidden from public scrutiny. Nowhere must Scanlon disclose his fees for public relations and grass-roots organizing. Copies of some of the contracts he has entered into with the tribes have been provided to The Washington Post by tribal members and sources close to the tribes who are outraged by the fees they are paying.

Tribal spending is seldom scrutinized by federal law enforcement authorities, who regulate gaming but must be careful about trampling on tribal sovereignty. In recent months, however, the FBI has stepped up an investigation into alleged spending irregularities by one of Abramoff's clients -- the 800-member Louisiana Coushatta tribe, which takes in hundreds of millions of dollars yearly from its casino. Last week, FBI agents in Michigan also interviewed members of the Saginaw Chippewas, tribal sources there said.

Abramoff's work for the tribes is not the first time he has encountered controversy in connection with gaming interests. In 2001, a federal magistrate ruled that a $23 million down payment put up by Abramoff and a partner as part of the $147 million purchase of Florida-based SunCruz Casinos was never actually paid. Abramoff declined to comment on SunCruz, citing ongoing litigation.

The rise of Indian gaming over the past 15 years has brought riches to some tribes long mired in poverty. Democrats were the first to make inroads in courting tribal leaders often unfamiliar with Washington politics. More recently, Republicans have tapped into growing tribal largess. In 1990, Indian tribes gave no money to Republicans; now tribes are giving much more overall, and almost half of it goes to Republicans.

Lobbyist's Credentials

Abramoff's conservative-movement credentials date back more than two decades to his days as a national leader of the College Republicans, along with Grover Norquist, an anti-tax activist close to the Bush White House, and Ralph Reed, former head of the Christian Coalition. He spent nearly a decade as a Hollywood producer before finding his niche in the 1990s as a Washington lobbyist, with entree to the conservatives who were taking control of Congress. He enjoys a close bond with DeLay.

Abramoff counts as a major success his 1995 efforts to persuade DeLay and other Republicans to defeat a proposed tax on Indian gaming. Tribes don't want to be taxed, he said, and in that sense they are "engaged in the same ideological and philosophical efforts that conservatives are -- basically saying, 'Look, we want to be left alone.'"

Abramoff currently represents seven gaming tribes. Scanlon represents four of the wealthiest in that group.

But some members of the tribes in Louisiana and California have begun to complain that they are getting little for their money.