PAC Funds Undercut Claims in Senate Race

Cardin was confronted directly on the issue last week, when he appeared in one of the primary's few televised debates against his party's other leading contender, former congressman Kweisi Mfume.

"I just think it's difficult when you take the kind of money [Cardin has] taken from insurance companies to effectively fight those companies," Mfume said. "I think particularly in this case, where he sits on a committee that oversees health [policy], that you don't need to take money from the pharmaceuticals. It's hard for me to fathom why you would. And then if you do it, how can you find a way to fight them at the same time?"

Cardin said his record proves he has been able to do that. During the debate, he noted his sponsorship of legislation that forces insurance companies to pay for emergency room care based on patient symptoms, not their diagnosis. Carriers had refused to pay for such visits if the patient turned out not to be seriously ill.

"I changed that," Cardin said. "I took on the insurance industry and got the change done."

After the debate, Cardin staffers distributed documents showing that although Mfume has pledged to reject all PAC contributions, he has reported receiving three checks totaling $7,000 from PACs. Mfume's aides said the money was being returned. Mfume has also taken money from about a dozen lobbyists, although in far smaller quantities than either Steele or Cardin has.

In subsequent interviews, Cardin's campaign staff has defended the candidate, saying he has shown no fealty to the insurance, drug and energy industry companies who back him financially. He voted to prohibit drug companies from receiving exclusive market rights for medication developed with taxpayer money, for example, and to prevent the companies from gaining legal liability exemptions for federally approved drugs and medical devices.

Cardin's critics, though, note that he was the only Maryland congressman who voted against the Pharmaceutical Market Access Act in 2003, which would have legalized the re-importation of cheaper drugs from Canada.

"That was ground zero for the industry," said American University professor Allan J. Lichtman, a Democratic Senate candidate who has frequently raised questions about Cardin's financial backing. "He gave them his vote when they needed it most."

Cardin has also received widespread support from lobbyists and their clients. Individual lobbyists alone have contributed more than $250,000 to his House and Senate campaign accounts for this election, according to reports filed online. One of the lobbyists who has donated and helped organize Cardin events is David Koshgarian, whose clients include six large pharmaceutical businesses.

Koshgarian spent 15 years as Cardin's chief of staff before hitting the revolving door four years ago. He laughed when asked whether Cardin would be influenced by donations from him or any interest group.

"I don't know how well you know Cardin," Koshgarian said. "I worked for him for 15 years. The idea that he would feel indebted to anybody's client over campaign contributions is just a joke."

Lobbyists and special interest groups are also major components of Steele's fundraising effort. In March, Roll Call reported that Steele would be backed by a K Street lobbying team that would help streamline fundraising efforts and could provide tactical help as Election Day neared.