Washington's Once And Future Lobby

Despite the latest scandals, lobbying has become a respectable, appealing profession. A couple of decades ago, it was considered too unsavory to attract former Congress members. But now, lobbyists have become so influential -- and so rich -- that more and more lawmakers and their aides consider the profession a second career. A recent study by the liberal group Public Citizen reported that nearly half of all lawmakers who return to the private sector join the lobbying ranks. Former top congressional officials can easily earn $300,000 a year or more as lobbyists -- or about double their government salaries.

Many former lawmakers are proud to be lobbyists and consider themselves part of a vital establishment -- one sometimes known as the Fifth Estate, after the three branches of government and the media. This level of comfort has no doubt made contacts between lobbyists and lawmakers increasingly sympathetic. Why would congressional aides and lawmakers want to anger the lobbyists who approach them when they aspire to become lobbyists themselves?

Former congressman Bill Paxon (R-N.Y.) remembers fondly when he was looking for work as a lobbyist in 1998 and interviewed at Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld LLP. "It was such a pleasure," he said. He sat down with senior partner Robert S. Strauss, who told him, "Bill, we're not in this for the short term. We want to hire people who will offer quality advice to quality clients for a long period of time." And, Paxon said, "that's proven true." He has been a senior adviser at the firm since 1999. He is also part of a lobbying family; Paxon's wife, former congresswoman Susan Molinari (R-N.Y.), is chairman of a firm named the Washington Group.

As Paxon discovered, lobby companies and associations are built to last. Akin Gump and most other K Street organizations are carefully populated with Republicans and Democrats so that they can stay in business no matter which party runs the show. They also donate big bucks to politicians of both parties. In fact, most of the money raised by House members is collected either "by or through groups that lobby," said Michael J. Malbin, executive director of the nonpartisan Campaign Finance Institute. Senators also receive a lot of their dough from the K Street set. (Members of the House and Senate spent a total of $623.4 million for their 2004 reelection campaigns.) All of which makes the anti-lobbyist rhetoric ring rather hollow. Even lobbying antagonists have their ties. Connecticut's Lamont accepts contributions from so-called leadership political action committees, which routinely receive money from labor and corporate organizations. And Lt. Gov. Steele's coffers have swelled thanks to fundraising by a group of Republican lobbyists in Washington that unabashedly calls itself Team Steele.

"Lobbyist-bashing may provide some convenient sound bites this fall, but it doesn't have much of a connection to the way Washington normally operates," said Alex Vogel of the bipartisan lobbying shop Mehlman Vogel Castagnetti. He should know. Vogel is a former chief counsel to Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist (R-Tenn.). As the company's Web site notes, "Alex's engagement with Majority Leader Frist continues. He currently provides counsel to Volunteer PAC, the Majority Leader's political action committee, and World of Hope, his charitable organization."

Such connections are hard, if not impossible, to break. "For the more than 30 years I've been around here, people have always complained about lobbyists," said Wright H. Andrews Jr. of the lobbying firm Butera & Andrews. "But they don't understand. My own mother didn't understand. She cried when I told her what I was going to do." But he explained, "After people have been here a while, they find out that the lobbying community is an essential part of the legislative process."

Joel Jankowsky knows this firsthand. He left the staff of House Speaker Carl B. Albert in 1977 and became the first official lobbyist at Akin Gump. Now, nearly 30 years later, Jankowsky oversees 45 full-time lobbyists and a dozen other professionals who plead before government regularly. He and his colleagues serve 161 clients and generate nearly $30 million in annual revenue. His once-rare transition from top congressional aide to private lobbyist has become common, and his firm's practice continues to bloom.

After the midterm elections, Jankowsky predicts, the lobbying industry will get even busier and grow larger -- no matter which party prevails. History says he's right.

kstreetconfidential@washpost.com

Jeffrey H. Birnbaum covers lobbying and politics for The Washington Post.