A Politician Who Thinks Like a Linebacker

Senate President Miller said the governor should have worked harder at gaining the support of lawmakers and learning the details of policies and proposals. He called Ehrlich "a ribbon-cutter, a golfer, a show horse."

"I see an absence of work ethic on his part, and it's frustrating," he said.

In campaigns, Ehrlich's competitiveness can get mean-spirited, his opponents contend.

Last year, one of Ehrlich's aides, Joseph Steffen, dubbed "the Prince of Darkness," was fired after boasting on the Internet that he had orchestrated a whisper campaign about O'Malley's private life. Ehrlich said he had nothing to do with the incident, which he now waves off as overblown.

Old foes are skeptical. In a 1996 campaign for U.S. Congress, a leaflet was circulated describing Ehrlich's opponent as a "homewrecker" while calling Ehrlich "a family man in the truest sense of the word." Ehrlich has denied any dirty campaigning. But Connie DeJuliis, the opponent, said he did not deny involvement when she confronted him at the time.

"You cross the line when you attack people personally, and that's what Bob Ehrlich does," DeJuliis said. "It's not supposed to be winning at all costs."

'Never Answer a General Question'

At Towson University, Ehrlich shifted from talking political strategy and addressed the class directly.

"Raise your hand if you're pro-choice on abortion," he said.

Hands shot up.

"Raise your hand if you're pro-life," he went on.

More hands.

"Never answer that question!" he boomed. "You're all wrong."

"I didn't define any terms," he said. "I didn't ask how you felt about partial birth abortion or judicial bypass or parental consent or Medicaid funding or stem cell embryonic research."

The students listened closely.

"Never answer a general question. You'll get into trouble."

He tried again. "Who's against capital punishment?"

Ehrlich surveyed the room: No hands.

The governor smiled.

A moderate Republican, Ehrlich carefully parses his positions on many issues. He supports abortion rights, for example, but with limits: no partial birth abortions, no federal funding. He runs conservative on fiscal issues but has supported new taxes or fees on vehicle registration, sewage and property. He favors the death penalty but has granted many pardons and commutations.

"It's a way to try to hold on to his Republican base while appealing to a broader Democratic audience," said Crenson of Johns Hopkins.

Ehrlich has learned to be wary of labels.

"Make your questioner define the terms," he told the Towson students. "And once you do, guess what? You can give opinions for the rest of the day, but you can give opinions as a result of what you actually believe and not the territory the questioner wanted to capture you in."

Precisely how all of this will play on Election Day is the great unknown. A poll published Sunday by The Washington Post showed a majority of likely voters in Maryland thought that Ehrlich had done a good job as governor. Even so, he lagged 10 percentage points behind O'Malley, which analysts say reflects a national climate that is tough on Republicans.

Ehrlich's aides say the poll is at odds with their results -- and, in an interview, the governor said he has seen many signs of Election-Day promise on the campaign trail.

"If you're not an optimist," he told the class in Towson, "this is probably not your profession."