In Hoyer's Rise, Backers Eye Payoff

"There's always been an issue of pride in this county," he said. "There's always been an 'us against the world.' We had to fight for our fair share of things."

Hoyer's supporters say that his political philosophy has always been built around relationships: He makes friends easily and works hard for them, inspiring loyalty. This probably helped earn him the votes last week to become majority leader, McDonough said.

But Hoyer's relationships sometimes have gotten him into muddy water. Despite Hoyer's campaigning for Cardin, Mfume captured 70 percent of the Prince George's vote in the primary but lost statewide.

Mfume's supporters say Hoyer and other party leaders didn't give Mfume's candidacy a fair chance.

"I would say that you had a number of African American elected officials that were very puzzled about that. I don't think it was so much about Hoyer, but we felt that the party itself was not giving Mfume an opportunity to be a viable candidate," said retiring Sen. Gloria G. Lawlah (D-Prince George's). "He came out early, he backed a candidate and his candidate won. It's vintage Hoyer."

Another Mfume supporter, Del. Obie Patterson (D-Prince George's), said, "I know [Hoyer] and Ben Cardin are longtime friends, and he certainly had that right to support his friends, but at some point the Democratic Party leaders -- and he is a leader of the Democratic Party -- are going to have to be more responsive to the staunch supporters of this party."

Nevertheless, some observers say that Hoyer's success has been built on his ability to adjust his politics to a changing district.

"There are different phases of an evolution of a politician. That reflects ideological maturation as well as the need to represent different and changing political space," Howard University professor Alvin Thornton said. "The interesting thing about Congressman Hoyer is that he's been able to anticipate those changes and adjust."

After the 1990 Census, Hoyer's congressional district, which had included most of Prince George's, was redrawn to cut out part of the county and include all of Southern Maryland, a conservative stronghold. The change by the Democratic-controlled state legislature was designed to create a predominantly black district.

Hoyer devoted himself to mastering the issues that were important in his new district, such as the military, which is the largest employer in Charles and St. Mary's counties. Hoyer fashioned himself as a defense advocate and was an early supporter of the war in Iraq.

"He really began to understand he had a different constituency, and he knew that the defense business was big and strong and important," said J. Frank Raley, a St. Mary's Democrat who tutored Hoyer in local defense issues.

Still, Hoyer has taken criticism for being too liberal for some constituents. Raley said, "He carries the liberal banner very strongly."

"I would like to see him a little bit more to the center than what he is," said conservative Del. John F. Wood Jr. (D-St. Mary's). But some conservatives overlook Hoyer's political stripes and focus on his effectiveness in Washington. "You kind of look the other way sometimes on some things," Wood said.

Two weekends ago, at the height of his leadership fight with Rep. John P. Murtha (D-Pa.), Hoyer left Washington to attend a Veterans Day parade in Leonardtown.

"The thing that amazes me about Hoyer is that he's everywhere," said Zach P. Messitte, a political scientist at St. Mary's College of Maryland. "He's out there, talking to people, pressing flesh.''

Staff writer Megan Greenwell contributed to this report.