By Robert D. Novak
Thursday, February 8, 2007
Listening to Minority Leader Mitch McConnell boast last weekend that he had the votes to prevent closing off Senate debate on Iraq, Republicans opposing President Bush's troop surge feared the worst. The new Republican leader sounded as though he wanted to prevent passage of an anti-surge resolution at the cost of making his party look obstructionist. That's exactly what happened.
The result of McConnell's tactics is that no resolution will be passed by the Senate anytime soon. The White House was overjoyed. But Tuesday's headlines indicated a public relations fiasco for Republicans: " GOP Stalls Debate on Troop Increase" (The Post), " In Senate, GOP Blocks a Debate Over Iraq Policy" (New York Times), " Vote on Iraq is blocked by GOP" (USA Today). Considering that outcome after a tactical victory, the Republicans might have been better off with a strategic defeat. It is unclear who won in the Senate this week.
McConnell's maiden voyage as party floor leader showed that he may be too much into process. Seldom has the Republican case been presented more poorly than it was Monday. But in his first big test as majority leader, Sen. Harry Reid overreached while trying to control the action. The developments also showed less than full control of his own Democratic caucus.
From the start, there has been a clear Senate bipartisan majority opposed to the 21,500-troop reinforcement. But nothing is that simple in the U.S. Senate. On Jan. 24, Sen. Joseph Biden pushed a harshly worded resolution through the Foreign Relations Committee, largely on party lines. It was obvious that the resolution could not collect the 60 votes needed to cut off debate, a prerequisite in today's Senate.
The prestigious Republican Sen. John Warner drafted a more conciliatory anti-surge resolution, with substantial Democratic support. On Jan. 25, Warner wrote Biden to say that he would not negotiate. That left Reid the choice of pressuring Democratic defectors or embracing Warner. He took the latter course, after making cosmetic changes.
But the White House and McConnell lobbied against Warner and pushed a unique new approach: Republican Sen. Judd Gregg's resolution, which ignored the surge and said Congress "should not . . . endanger United States military forces in the field" by "elimination or reduction of funds." That is the funding question that most Democrats in Congress desperately want to avoid.
Next, Reid stretched his authority in a way that I have not seen in a half-century of Senate-watching. He decreed that, besides the Warner resolution (now co-sponsored by Sen. Carl Levin, his Democratic successor as Armed Services Committee chairman), the Senate would vote on one Republican resolution. What made this unique was that Reid dictated that it would be not Gregg's but Sen. John McCain's, which endorsed the surge and could not command close to 60 votes. The Gregg amendment probably would have gotten 70.
McConnell convinced Republicans that they could not let the Democratic leader pick their amendment. Reid got only 49 votes (including just two Republicans, Susan Collins and Norm Coleman) on Monday for imposing cloture. Warner and Sen. Chuck Hagel, the toughest Republican critic of the surge, voted no on cloture. The Democratic caucus informed Reid on Tuesday that it would not accept a compromise putting both the Warner and Gregg resolutions before the Senate. Reid set aside the issue rather than permit a vote that would divide and embarrass Democrats.
"Mitch McConnell is a master behind the scenes, but he has a lot to learn about going public," said a Senate Republican insider who did not want his name used. Appalled by the headlines, Republicans regrouped Tuesday by delivering a substantive message. McCain was particularly vigorous, antagonizing Reid and other Democrats by contending that anti-surge resolutions say to U.S. troops that "we think they are going to fail, and this is a vote of no confidence."
Democratic senators, given their message of the day, trooped onto the Senate floor to claim that Republicans had blocked debate over Iraq. That claim might seem peculiar to C-SPAN watchers who listened to hours of debate this week over the war. The true Democratic complaint was that Republicans prevented Harry Reid from ordering the parameters of that debate. The minority in the Senate, unlike in the House, has rights it exercises, even if Republicans characteristically have trouble explaining this to the public.
© 2007 Creators Syndicate Inc.