Revealing the Total Giuliani

It would all be enough to destroy an ordinary politician's ambitions. But Giuliani isn't a politician as much as a phenomenon. His restoration of public safety in New York gave him the glow of a protector. In the eyes of New Yorkers, that far outweighed any chaos in his personal life. That protector's image grew exponentially on Sept. 11, 2001, when two planes slammed into the World Trade Center towers. I walked alongside Giuliani that morning and covered him virtually around the clock in the ensuing weeks. He was both field commander and father figure, leading and comforting a public scared out of its wits. With each passing day, he seemed to draw increasing strength from the role history had cast for him. His stature grew, as did his eloquence.

Yet for all those who thought that Giuliani had changed on Sept. 11, he offered evidence to the contrary. He pushed to remain in office three months past the expiration of his last term -- a move seen by many as a breathtaking act of political hubris. Three years later, he persuaded the White House to nominate Bernard B. Kerik, his confidant and business partner, as homeland security secretary, with disastrous results (scandals forced Kerik to withdraw his name and he ended up with a criminal conviction). Once again, Giuliani proved that his supreme self-assurance is both his greatest strength and his biggest flaw. What kind of president would he make? He would no doubt be strong and competent, confident of his vision and able to lead in times of crisis. Quite an asset in dangerous times. But would he be too arrogant to change course when he made a mistake? Would he surround himself with "Yes-Rudys" who'd take his orders without challenging his thinking? What does his instinct for control -- and his past use of force to achieve it -- say about how he'd handle conflicts abroad and civil liberties at home? Would his resolute beliefs in his own views pave the country's way, or lead it down dangerous paths?

Would his instinct for dividing politicians into friends and enemies plunge the White House into a Nixon-era bunker mentality? Or would his confrontational style usher in a refreshing era of Truman-style bluntness?

Finally, has Giuliani's penchant for drama diminished, or would he careen in the White House from one tabloid-style controversy to the next?

These are questions that should be asked of and about Rudy Giuliani, at least as persistently as the ones he's fielding about abortion and same-sex marriage. If the past is any guide, a Giuliani White House would be dominated by his outsize personality. The public had better figure out now whether that would be a good thing.

akirtzman@cbs.com

Andrew Kirtzman is a news correspondent for WCBS-TV in New York and author of "Rudy Giuliani: Emperor of the City" (Harper Collins).