Analysis: Clinton's Big Paradox

NEW YORK -- Call it the Clinton contradiction. Hillary Rodham Clinton is a political trailblazer, pursuing the precedent-setting achievement of becoming the first female candidate to win the presidency. How, then, did she also become the candidate of the Democratic Party establishment _ a title historically attached to less-than-scintillating contenders like John Kerry, Al Gore and Walter Mondale?

It's a curious paradox for Clinton, a presidential hopeful who calls herself a feminist and touts her experience as a woman and a "mom." But her long career in Washington, army of political consultants and marriage to a former president have all cast her as a political insider rather than a pioneer.

And then there's the Obama factor. With his newcomer's appeal and quest to be the first black president, the Illinois senator has managed to dilute the significance of Clinton's history-making run.

Obama's grassroots allure was manifest this week, when the candidates disclosed their first quarter fundraising totals.

Clinton raised a record-setting $26 million from a network of donors developed through her two Senate races and Bill Clinton's vast connections. But Obama's $25 million almost matched her total and came from twice the number of contributors and a much more robust Internet presence.

The sense of inevitability Clinton has tried to project may have robbed her campaign of some of the freshness and excitement that is luring many party activists to Obama, analysts say. But his strong fundraising numbers have shaken the idea that Clinton is unbeatable, perhaps freeing her to engage more spontaneously on the campaign trail.

"Clinton has to conform to stereotypes and defy them, and she has to run as both the insider and the outsider," said Marie Wilson, founder of the White House Project, which promotes women running for high office. "She has to show she's not entrenched in a system that has not been friendly to women, but also that she really knows it and is good at it."

Clinton advisers insist her conflicting identities are a sign of strength. They believe her powerful organization and long career in public life have helped her to be taken seriously as a groundbreaking presidential candidate.

"I don't think people would see her as able to break the barriers as a woman if she was not such a strong candidate with so many advantages," Clinton senior adviser Mark Penn said. "She's not saying 'Vote for me because I'm a woman.' She's saying 'Vote for me because I'm the best candidate, with the greatest ability to beat the Republicans.' "

Like the campaigns of other so-called establishment candidates in the past, Clinton's has been steady, centrist, and relatively risk-free.

She's collected endorsements from a string of prominent public officials, racked up miles on trips to early voting states like Iowa and New Hampshire, and prevailed in the first quarter fundraising race. Her speeches have revealed an enviable mastery of the details of public policy, but she's avoided committing to specifics on contentious topics, like how to fund universal health care.

Clinton's refusal to apologize for her vote authorizing military action in Iraq in 2002 has been her only real political risk so far. She's angered many anti-war Democrats and opened a window of opportunity for Obama and former North Carolina Sen. John Edwards, both outspoken critics of the war.