By Jeffrey H. Birnbaum
Tuesday, May 29, 2007
Lobbyist Robert S. Nichols was, and in many ways still is, a spokesman for the Treasury Department.
In the first half of the Bush administration, Nichols was a Treasury employee and the mouthpiece for then-Treasury secretaries Paul H. O'Neill and John W. Snow.
These days he is president of the Financial Services Forum, a high-profile lobby comprising the chief executives of 20 of the nation's largest financial services companies -- firms such as Citigroup, Goldman Sachs and Morgan Stanley.
So how can he speak for both Treasury and the forum? Technically, he can't. But in practice, it pretty much works out that way.
Nichols also chairs a coalition of lobby groups called Engage China, which, like Treasury, is pushing to open China's massive market to financial products such as auto insurance and 401(k)s. There is extensive cooperation between Treasury and the private coalition, which includes eight big-name organizations.
Lobbying is usually seen as adversarial. In fact, lobbyists often glom onto one or more centers of power and press jointly in the same direction. That's the case here, and the results have been mutually satisfying. Last week, at Treasury's request, China agreed to lift the moratorium on foreign investment in Chinese securities firms.
Engage China was the brainchild of Edward L. Yingling, president of the American Bankers Association. He saw a common interest between Treasury and the financial services industry, so he and Nichols invited several financial services associations to band together. "Treasury could have one meeting with all of us rather than have separate meetings -- a simple, one-stop," he said.
Nichols was a natural choice to lead the coalition. Treasury Secretary Henry M. Paulson Jr. chaired Nichols's Financial Services Forum before he entered government. And Nichols's own ties to Treasury "didn't hurt," Yingling said.
Some lawmakers do not think it's wise to do business without limitation in China, where labor standards are often lax. But the coalition put some real heft behind Treasury's free-market preferences and clearly made friends that the Bush administration alone could not. The coalition lobbied lawmakers and their aides, distributed research papers and bought ads.
"Treasury was looking to put together private-sector allies to tell real-life stories," said Marc Racicot, president of the American Insurance Association, a coalition member. And Nichols's group fit the bill. "Their efforts are complementary," said Treasury spokeswoman Ann Marie Hauser. "We're certainly glad to see his group saying the same thing we are."
Treasury was especially pleased to see Nichols saying it. "We would work closely," Hauser added, "because we know Rob."
Under Nichols, Engage China has met weekly with Treasury officials, informing them about its many lobbying efforts.
That collaboration not only helped produce last week's victory, but will also pay dividends for the lobbyists down the road. "To the degree a leader -- whether it's the chairman of a congressional committee or the secretary of Treasury -- believes you are supporting their process," Yingling said, "they're going to talk to you more."Sallie Mae's Christmas List
Sallie Mae, the nation's largest student lender, has been having a rough few months. Democrats have never been big fans, and in February President B us h piled on with his own suggestion for cutbacks in student-loan subsidies.
To defend itself, the agency devised a lobbying game plan -- a top-secret, week-by-week to-do list leading up to Christmas last year. Courtesy of the House's education committee, here are some excerpts:
Week of Nov. 20: Develop a "target list" of lawmakers to lobby and identify a potential "new hire as Democratic lobbyist" as well as "potential Democratic PR firms."
Week of Nov. 27: Develop messages "to be delivered by governors," make "assignments for grassroots contacts" and "draft letter to the editor from [then-chief executive] Tim Fitzpatrick."
Week of Dec. 4: "Meet with select offices," e-mail "key messages to the Hill," "begin polling, message testing," meet White House political staffers "with Citibank" and "distribute Tim's letter."
Week of Dec. 11: Work through House Minority Leader John A. Boehner (R-Ohio) to ask the White House for "the right budget language," "orchestrate communication from" Michael Lomax, president of the United Negro College Fund, and "retain Dem PR firm."
Week of Dec. 18: "Encourage communication to the Hill from . . . schools," "hire new Democratic lobbyist" and "begin working with Dem PR firm on refining messaging, tactics (e.g., op-eds), developing Tier 1 media contacts on national and local level."
Week of Dec. 25: "Holiday -- No Activity."Drug Lobby Outreach of the Week
The pharmaceutical industry has come up with two more ways to make friends among the Democrats-in-charge on Capitol Hill.
The Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America (PhRMA), the industry's trade group, helped launch a new organization, the Partnership to Fight Chronic Disease. The group's executive director is Kenneth E. Thorpe, a health aide in the Clinton administration.
PhRMA's Pharmaceutical Industry Labor-Management Association, a group that emphasizes the common interests of drugmakers and unions, has also added several labor-connected Democrats to lobby Congress.
The contract hires include former congressman Ron Klink (D-Pa.), former mineworkers union lobbyist Kristin Leary, former airline pilots association lobbyist Gerald E. Baker, former operating engineers union lobbyist John J. Flynn, and Michael L. Tiner, who has lobbied for the Teamsters, the building trades, and the food and commercial workers unions.
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