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Musharraf's Military Reaches Deep Into Pakistani Society
Pakistani paramilitary soldiers and police patrol during a general strike last month in Karachi. Soldiers are generally a rare sight in the streets, but the military has wide influence in the bureaucracy and through its business interests.
(By B.k. Bangash -- Associated Press)
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The military's might, Pakistanis say, also comes in much more insidious forms. The calls that wake Khan, the lawyer, in the middle of the night, for instance.
"We've purchased your coffin," a caller once told him at 2:15 a.m. "Get ready for Pakistan's Tiananmen Square," said another.
Khan, a vigorous man whose office in Islamabad is crammed with classic works of history and philosophy, said he is certain that Pakistan's elite, military-run intelligence agencies are behind the calls. And he knows the threats are not idle.
Human rights groups have estimated that hundreds of Pakistanis have disappeared at the hands of the intelligence agencies in recent years. Political opponents, journalists and lawyers now fear they will meet the same fate.
With Musharraf fighting for his political survival, the military has begun pushing back against what top officers call a "malicious campaign" against the state. This month, the government rounded up more than 1,000 opposition party activists and shipped them to detention facilities hundreds of miles from home to serve prison terms of undetermined lengths. Police officials said they were ordered to make the arrests by military intelligence officers. The government has since said all the activists were released, a contention disputed by party officials.
"Everyone is concerned about safety," Khan said. "But what can we do? It is our country. We have to change it."
Just over three months ago, there was little public enthusiasm for change. Musharraf enjoyed widespread popularity, owing in part to his decision to replace civilian leaders who were seen as corrupt and inefficient with military leaders who presented themselves as disciplined and moral. Musharraf boasted that the new leaders had brought prosperity to Pakistan, citing strong economic growth and reductions in poverty. He seemed a lock for another term in office.
But the mood in Pakistan shifted dramatically on March 9, when the chief justice, Iftikhar Mohammed Chaudhry, refused a demand by Musharraf -- dressed at the time in his pressed khaki uniform -- to resign. That act of defiance struck a powerful nerve, and the backlash began.
The protests against Chaudhry's suspension started as anti-Musharraf, but lately the target has expanded. At rallies across the country, thousands of angry protesters now chant "The generals are traitors!" and "The soldiers are traitors!"
Chaudhry's attorney, Aitzaz Ahsan, told a recent gathering that Pakistan's problem is that it has gone from a "social welfare state," in which the government's primary purpose is to care for its citizens, to "a national security state," in which an all-powerful military craves instability at home and enemies abroad to justify its role. "The issue is not just Pervez Musharraf," he said. "The issue is the military."
That message has filtered down to the streets of Pakistan, and it seems to resonate with a diverse group of Pakistanis.
One reason for the changed attitude is geopolitical. Pakistan's military has traditionally acted as a bulwark against a hostile neighbor to the east, India. But relations between the two nuclear powers have been warming, and the threat has become less imminent. Meanwhile, the army's close ties with the United States at a time of growing anti-Americanism here have not helped its image.





