Hu Outlines Goals for China as Party Congress Convenes

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By Edward Cody
Washington Post Foreign Service
Monday, October 15, 2007

BEIJING, Oct. 15 -- Opening a crucial Communist Party congress, President Hu Jintao called Monday for increased emphasis on social protections to make sure China's speedy economic growth benefits a wider swath of the country's 1.3 billion people.

Hu, in a report to more than 2,200 party delegates gathered in Beijing, also pledged to accompany China's economic progress with an increase in what he called "socialist democracy." That, he explained, means Chinese should participate more in their government but without affecting "the party's role as the core of leadership in directing the overall situation."

With his remarks, couched in party jargon and read carefully from a text, Hu signaled that his next five years as China's party leader and president are likely to resemble his first five years, with cautious pursuit of economic reforms but determination to retain the Communist Party's monopoly on power.

Hu reiterated China's insistence that Taiwan is part of China and must at some point return to rule by Beijing. But he avoided rhetoric that could be viewed as a threat of military action, offering instead to discuss "a formal end to the state of hostility between the two" on condition that Taiwan's leaders accept the idea that there is only one China.

Under Taiwan's current president, the independence-minded Chen Shui-bian, Hu's appeal seemed unlikely to win a favorable response, particularly with the one-China condition. Instead, it appeared aimed at the more flexible Nationalist Party, which Chinese officials are hoping will come to power in Taipei in elections scheduled next March.

Hu, dressed in his trademark blue suit and television-friendly red tie, used his two-and-one-half-hour speech mainly to underline his doctrine of "scientific development," which he described as "an important guiding principle for China's economic and social development and a major strategic thought that we must uphold and apply" to pursue "socialism with Chinese characteristics."

The party announced Sunday that Hu's innovation will be enshrined in the party charter during the week-long 17th National Congress as a historical contribution to Marxist ideology. The move constitutes an endorsement by the party faithful of Hu's emphasis on tempering breakneck economic development with such social concerns as protecting the environment and guaranteeing that the poor have access to education and health care.

Just as important, it ushers Hu into a pantheon of historical Communist figures who have shaped Marxist doctrine. In the eyes of the Chinese party, Hu, 64, will be joining a line of ideological greats that began with Marx and Lenin and has continued over more than a century with Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin.

"The Politburo formulated the guiding principles for the current amendment to the constitution, stressing that the amendment must follow the guidance of Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory and the important thought of [Jiang's] Three Represents, [as well as] embody the Scientific Development Outlook," Li Dongsheng, the congress spokesman, said at a news conference.

The honor was decided by the outgoing Politburo and adopted by the Central Committee, which met last week to prepare for the congress. Expressed in such language, it may seem hard to understand and even eccentric outside China. But it is likely to enhance Hu's authority as he enters a second five-year term as secretary general of the Communist Party and president of China.

The National Congress is scheduled to hail Hu's stewardship for another five years and acclaim his choices for a second tier of leaders destined to take over in 2012.

The ritual will effectively cement Hu's grip on the levers of power, making a greater number of second-level officials beholden to him and boosting his authority. In his first term, Hu was forced to work with powerful holdovers from Jiang's era, some with residual loyalty to Jiang and his associates in what was called the "Shanghai faction."

Although some figures associated with Jiang are likely to remain -- underlining Hu's reputation as a conciliator -- the all-powerful Politburo and its Standing Committee are likely to emerge with a majority loyal to Hu, smoothing the way for getting his decisions through the bureaucracy.



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