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O'Malley Increases Influence With Wins on Taxes and Slots
Senate President Thomas V. Mike Miller Jr., left, Gov. Martin O'Malley and House Speaker Michael E. Busch celebrate at a bill-signing.
(By Gail Burton -- Associated Press)
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Others said it was remarkable that O'Malley had steered the session to a conclusion where such judgments were possible.
[an error occurred while processing this directive]In the weeks before its start Oct. 29, Miller and Busch counseled O'Malley against calling such a broad session, saying lawmakers could wait to fix the budget until their regular 90-day session, which begins in January, rather than on a rushed schedule that presented many potential pitfalls.
The divergent views of the two presiding officers on slots alone could have resulted in a quagmire that might have jeopardized other legislation. Miller is among the legislature's most ardent slots supporters. Busch has been the most powerful foe of expanded gambling in recent years.
O'Malley's proposal to put the issue to voters proved crucial to the session's success. Miller, a gregarious lawyer, initially balked at the idea, calling a referendum "the sissy way out." But he eventually seemed to realize that it was the only way to advance the issue, given continued resistance in the House to a stand-alone bill.
Busch, who maintains the disposition of the high school football coach he once was, agreed to help O'Malley bring anti-slots delegates on board for a referendum vote. He relayed the governor's argument that a public vote would put a draining issue behind them.
Lining up votes for the slots and tax bills was still challenging.
After a previously scheduled dinner speech Thursday night to the liberal group Progressive Maryland, O'Malley commandeered a side room at the site and had aides bring in delegates in the audience who were undecided on a slots referendum.
Debate on the House floor, less than 24 hours later, ended with 86 delegates backing O'Malley's proposal, one more than the required supermajority.
Lawmakers and O'Malley aides said such meetings were typical.
They said little was explicitly promised in exchange for legislators' votes. Rather, they said, O'Malley and other administration officials would outline what programs and projects would be possible with new revenue from slots and tax increases as well as the consequences of budget cuts as an alternative. Lawmakers said they were also left with the general impression that administration officials would remember who helped them.
In some cases, inducements were offered. The Prince George's County delegation secured the promise of state funding for its hospital system.
O'Malley also benefited, lawmakers said, from being willing to bend on specific proposals in a way that his Republican predecessor was not. Montgomery legislators balked, for example, at O'Malley's plan to establish a top income rate of 6.5 percent, saying it would harm the economic interests of the jurisdiction, which is home to more high-income earners than any other in Maryland. O'Malley accepted a compromise of 5.5 percent.
