In Shift, Dingell Steered Toward Fuel Standard

In addition to dealing with Nissan, Dingell also had to rally the other automakers, most of whom were not eager to cut a deal. Automakers complained that the tough fuel efficiency standard, first contained in the Senate version of the bill, would cost tens of billions of dollars and might be technologically impossible to achieve. "Why set a target that . . . we can't meet," one U.S. automaker representative said during negotiations.

Meanwhile, environmentalists and people concerned that U.S. oil imports were compromising national energy security suspected that Dingell was not interested in cutting a deal at all. When Dingell supported tough climate change legislation that had little chance of becoming law this year, many thought it was a tactic to block the energy bill.

Doniger says, however, that Dingell's interest in climate change legislation was sincere and not a ruse. "Mr. Dingell does get global warming," he said.

But Dingell put that aside and shepherded the fuel efficiency provision into the legislation that is now likely to pass. First, he joined a group of House Democrats who put forth a more moderate proposal, with lower targets and "off-ramps" that would allow the Transportation Department to waive the targets if they proved too difficult to meet.

But his bargaining position wasn't helped by a sharp increase in oil prices during the final weeks, bolstering public opinion in favor of higher fuel efficiency targets. And Pelosi had endorsed the tougher Senate version and stood fast.

In the end, the legislation includes the Senate requirement for the automotive fleet to achieve average fuel efficiency of 35 miles a gallon by 2020. It extends, then gradually phases out automaker credits against those targets for producing vehicles that can use fuel with 85 percent ethanol.

At Dingell's urging, it has separate standards for cars and light trucks, which U.S. carmakers said would soften the blow of the higher targets. It would also help protect jobs at some U.S. auto plants, a priority for the United Auto Workers union and another goal of the Dingell coalition.

Rep. Gene Green (D-Tex.) said if Dingell opposed the final bill, "that would have made it very difficult to vote for it. . . . I will follow him as best I can on automobiles. And in Texas we do like to drive big trucks."

The fuel-standards package is one of the few components of the legislation that is relatively noncontroversial in Congress while having the support of President Bush, who opposes many other parts of the energy bill. Those sections include a $21 billion tax package, a requirement for utilities to use renewable sources for least 15 percent of their electricity, energy efficiency standards for appliances, and a mandate for expanding the use of ethanol and other biofuels.

Dingell has told friends that crafting the compromise was one of the hardest tasks he has undertaken in his 52 years in Congress.

While not all of the auto companies were thrilled to have new standards placed on them, they came to see that working with Dingell was the best way to protect themselves. "Not only were they responsible," Dingell said, "they understood how the winds were blowing."

Staff writer Jonathan Weisman contributed to this report.