By Monte Reel and Lucien Chauvin
Washington Post Foreign Service
Monday, December 10, 2007

LIMA, Peru, Dec. 9 -- When Alberto Fujimori was president of Peru in the 1990s, his authoritarian methods forced the country to debate how far a leader should go in the pursuit of terrorists.

Now, as he faces a trial that could send him to prison for life, the debate for many here has shifted: How far should Peru go in pursuit of Fujimori?

An awkward sort of ambivalence is defining the trial even before it starts on Monday. Although a majority of Peruvians say they believe Fujimori is guilty of human rights abuses and corruption, he remains near the top of the list of the country's most admired political figures. According to a survey conducted recently by the University of Lima, he is more popular than Alan Garc¿a, whom Peruvians returned to the presidency last year. Nearly 55 percent said they view Fujimori's 1990-2000 presidency favorably.

Even Fujimori's political legacy survives. His daughter last year received more votes than any other candidate for Congress, where she is part of a minority bloc of his followers known as Fujimoristas.

"This trial is a very odd thing, but when Fujimori was president, it was an odd time," said Carlos Fern¿ndez, 55, who works at a car rental service in Lima. "This country was a mess when he was elected, and he did a lot of good things for it. I think he's guilty of some abuses and should be punished, but I don't know that he should be in prison."

Much of Fujimori's popularity while president rested on his liberal dispersal of public aid, his taming of inflation and his backing of an aggressive battle against the Shining Path, a Maoist revolutionary group that for years terrorized wide swaths of the countryside and killed thousands. But in targeting the group, he also targeted students, journalists and others whose main offense was criticizing his methods. He shut down Congress, purged the judiciary and suspended the constitution -- measures that were supported by much of the public at the time.

As evidence of government corruption and human rights abuses became apparent, Fujimori fled to Japan, the birthplace of his parents, and faxed his resignation to Peru in 2000. Despite a warrant for his arrest, he lived in exile in Tokyo until late 2005, when he attempted to secretly return to Peru to resurrect his political career. He was arrested in Chile, and was finally extradited to face trial here in September.

In the trial that begins Monday, Fujimori faces charges that he ordered two massacres carried out by the Colina Group, a paramilitary force that he allegedly controlled. In 1991, the group killed 15 people at a party in the Barrios Altos neighborhood of Lima; the following year, its members killed nine students and a professor at La Cantuta teacher's college, in what was said to be a purge of rebels affiliated with the Shining Path.

The victims of La Cantuta were buried on the outskirts of Lima. When investigators began probing the incident, the bodies were unearthed, burned and reburied. The families were given only partial remains.

Dora Oyague, a 20-year-old student at La Cantuta, was among the victims. Her mother, Carmen, is among those eagerly awaiting the trial in hopes that it might provide more answers about what happened to her daughter, who she said was not involved in any political movements.

"All I want is justice and to know why they did this to Dora," said Oyague, 63. "They took her away, murdered her and we never even got her body. They only found part of her remains. I want to know why they killed her, the real reason."

The trial is to take place at a police center on the outskirts of Lima on Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays. Testimony is expected to stretch for months, if not years.

In addition to the Colina Group killings, Fujimori also faces charges related to the 1992 abduction of journalist Gustavo Gorriti and businessman Samuel Dyer. Separate corruption charges center on bribes given to lawmakers and other influential public figures.

Human Rights Watch, a nongovernmental organization, helped to compile evidence for the extradition process regarding Fujimori's involvement in human rights abuses. Jos¿ Miguel Vivanco, executive director of the organization's Americas division, said that he believes linking the 69-year-old ex-president to the Barrios Altos and La Cantuta massacres will not be difficult.

"Our report on Fujimori shows that there was substantial evidence, including statements by Colina Group members, that Fujimori knew of and authorized the operations of the Colina Group," Vivanco said. "In fact, Fujimori specifically promoted Colina Group members at the time of the group's creation."

Despite such evidence, Fujimori's backers contend that he is a victim of a political smear campaign that won't survive the scrutiny of a fair trial.

"President Fujimori has already been sentenced by politicians, by these nongovernmental organizations and the media, but the hour of truth is coming," said Rep. Carlos Raffo, a Fujimorista and a close associate of the former leader.

Though a verdict concerning the most serious charges will be a long time coming, a verdict on another case of illegal search-and-seizure is expected to be delivered Tuesday. That trial was conducted in Fujimori's absence, with prosecutors alleging that he illegally ordered the search of the home of the wife of Vladimir Montesinos, his former security chief and closest adviser, in a bid to destroy evidence.

Montesinos had been wanted at the time for money laundering, and Fujimori has said he ordered the search as part of a nationwide manhunt.

Montesinos, who is currently in prison, is expected to be one of the most important witnesses in the upcoming trials. His testimony, and that of others, could go a long way in determining how Fujimori's legacy will ultimately be viewed by many Peruvians.