Pakistan's Zardari, Once on the Sidelines, Eyes Presidency

News of the psychological reports and reports that a Swiss court would soon release about $60 million in frozen assets to Zardari after closing its case against him prompted sharp criticism from Pakistani Sen. Mushahid Hussain, the presidential candidate for Musharraf's former Pakistan Muslim League-Q party.

"In the West, such a controversial track record would make any person clearly ineligible to hold such a high office as the presidency," Hussain said.

Zardari declined repeated requests for an interview with The Washington Post. But in a column that the newspaper published this week, he called the allegations of bribery and money laundering "unsubstantiated" and "politically motivated."

Aides to Zardari have mounted a vigorous defense, saying that the reports of $60 million in frozen assets are untrue. They have also sought to recast his reported mental health problems as a natural but temporary result of years of torture. "Like anyone who has been through 11 1/2 years in prison, his health was affected at that time. But he is a remarkable and resilient person. He is in extremely good health in every sense," said Farah Ispahani, a top spokeswoman for Zardari's party.

Yet even some party insiders acknowledge that years of public scrutiny, numerous threats to his life and his wife's highly public assassination last year have made the presumptive next president seem paranoid at times. Zardari's circle of trusted aides and advisers is relatively small as a result. "At times, he is someone who tries too hard to read between the lines, and he seems to be someone who is quite fearful of the invisible hand of Pakistan's intelligence agencies," said a party adviser who, like several people interviewed for this article, spoke on the condition of anonymity because of political sensitivities.

Under Musharraf, the country's Inter-Services Intelligence Directorate and Military Intelligence Bureau became powerful tools used to discredit his opponents. Shortly before Bhutto was killed in an attack in the garrison city of Rawalpindi, she said that Ijaz Shah, onetime director of the Military Intelligence Bureau, and Hamid Gul, former director of the Inter-Services Intelligence agency, were two of three men close to Musharraf who should be held responsible were she to be killed. The allegation has never been proved. Yet, fears about Zardari's security have persisted.

An assassination attempt on Zardari's political associate, Pakistani Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gillani, on Wednesday served to raise already heightened concerns about Zardari's safety. Those concerns, his supporters say, are one reason he has largely refrained from making public appearances or granting interviews in the days leading up to the election.

If he becomes president, he will face the daunting test of a divided Parliament. In recent days, he has come under attack from former prime minister Nawaz Sharif, his onetime partner in the coalition government formed after their parties were swept to power in Feb. 18 national parliamentary elections. Sharif worked closely with Zardari after the elections to mount a united front against Musharraf. But the coalition collapsed a week after Musharraf resigned Aug. 18 in the face of impeachment charges.

Sharif, who was ousted by Musharraf in a 1999 military coup, said he decided to quit the coalition after Zardari reneged on a promise to restore Pakistan's tattered judiciary. Incensed by Zardari's decision to run for office, Sharif selected former Supreme Court chief justice Saeed-uz-Zaman Siddiqui to compete against him on his party's ticket. A longtime political ally of Sharif, Siddiqui was appointed chief justice in July 1999 but was ousted months later when he refused to endorse the military coup led by Musharraf that ended Sharif's term as prime minister.

The fates of dozens of judges fired by Musharraf last year have become a defining factor in Pakistani politics. Sharif has been a vocal advocate for the judges' return to the bench. He has especially insisted on the reinstatement of the ousted Supreme Court chief justice, Iftikhar Mohammed Chaudhry. A staunch opponent of government corruption, Chaudhry could pose a threat to the legal indemnity granted to Zardari if restored to the high court.

Zardari has studiously avoided making specific references to Chaudhry but has vowed to restore the judiciary in general.

The quest to strike a balance among the judiciary, legislature and executive could be another test for Zardari if he becomes president. A series of amendments passed under Musharraf's government allows the president accumulated sweeping powers, including the power to dissolve Parliament.

"If I am elected president, one of my highest priorities will be to support the prime minister, the National Assembly and the Senate to amend the constitution to bring back into balance the powers of the presidency and thereby reduce its ability to bring down democratic governance," Zardari wrote in his column this week.

Whether Zardari has the opportunity to deliver on that and other promises will be determined Saturday, when Pakistan's four provincial assemblies, the National Assembly and the Senate take up the vote for the country's next president. The winning candidate needs 352 votes out of 702. The next president is expected to be sworn in next week.