Page 2 of 2   <      

In Wake of Georgian War, Russian Media Feel Heat

Discussion Policy
Comments that include profanity or personal attacks or other inappropriate comments or material will be removed from the site. Additionally, entries that are unsigned or contain "signatures" by someone other than the actual author will be removed. Finally, we will take steps to block users who violate any of our posting standards, terms of use or privacy policies or any other policies governing this site. Please review the full rules governing commentaries and discussions. You are fully responsible for the content that you post.

During eight years in office, Putin consolidated control of the government, media and big business. Many analysts say he remains Russia's paramount leader despite stepping down as president to make way for Medvedev, the low-profile bureaucrat and former law professor he chose as successor.

After winning an election carefully scripted by the Kremlin, Medvedev immediately appointed Putin prime minister.

But even as Medvedev positioned himself as a Putin loyalist, he raised hopes in some quarters with promises to fight corruption, help small businesses and champion human rights and the rule of law. In an early move, Medvedev established a think tank, the Institute of Contemporary Development, to help him develop domestic policy and gathered a group of liberal-minded scholars who favored a program of economic and democratic reforms.

"We had hopes in the spring that we were entering a new stage," said Evgeny Gontmakher, an economist whom Medvedev invited to serve on the board of the institute. "We hoped for some kind of democratic transition."

Gontmakher said he and others thought that Medvedev was trying to build a base of political support for such action, and that Putin had stayed on as prime minister to help him. But the Georgian crisis has altered the political calculus, he said, making it more likely the leadership will put off reforms and strengthening influential officials and state corporations resisting change.

"It's a dangerous situation," Gontmakher said, warning that with economic problems on the horizon -- industrial growth has slowed, and inflation is climbing fast -- Medvedev and Putin might be tempted to use the crisis in Georgia to divert public anger over the economy.

Some analysts still think a thaw is possible under Medvedev, arguing that he has gained political capital during the Georgian crisis by positioning himself as a tough, decisive leader. Although Putin remains far more popular, Medvedev's approval ratings have jumped, and he has received more time on national television than Putin.

But others say the crisis has highlighted Medvedev's lack of clout, especially after he signed a cease-fire agreement with Georgia and then appeared unable or unwilling to get his military to comply. Gontmakher said officials have told him that Putin has been the driving force behind the key decisions during the crisis.

Yevgenia Albats, a prominent journalist who hosts a show on Echo Moskvy, said that although Medvedev has been getting media attention, he has looked like Putin's press secretary. Democratic reforms, she added, will be difficult to adopt because the Kremlin has portrayed the West as the enemy in the Georgian crisis, and reforms are associated with the West.

"All hope is gone," she said. "Basically, most of the liberals are trying to figure out if we are about to go into a repressive period in our history. It means what's left of the free media may disappear. We don't know if Echo Moskvy will exist a month from now."

Venediktov, Echo Moskvy's editor in chief, confirmed he had been called on the carpet by Putin in Sochi. He said Putin pointed out problems with the station's coverage of the Georgian war, including a statement by one reporter referring to Russian soldiers as enemy forces and a report about troop movements based only on Georgian accounts.

"It was unpleasant to be publicly reprimanded, and it was even more unpleasant to have to admit mistakes, because there were mistakes, unfortunately," he said, adding that Putin didn't single out any journalists or make any demands.

Venediktov said that he disagreed with some of Putin's complaints and was allowed to explain his positions, and that Putin expressed his displeasure with the radio station even more forcefully in a private session. Venediktov declined to further describe that conversation.

The station continues to operate as usual and broadcast voices critical of the Kremlin. But Venediktov acknowledged that "the situation is complicated" by heightened official scrutiny. "It means we must work even more professionally, even more accurately," he said.

A day after meeting Putin, Venediktov barred a dissident politician, Valeriya Novodvorskaya, from appearing on Echo Moskvy for the rest of the year after she made on-air remarks that appeared to defend the Chechen separatist responsible for the 2004 Beslan school siege that left 334 people dead. He also announced that Yulia Latynina, a program host and critic of the Kremlin, would be off the air and out of the country on business and vacation for several weeks.

Latynina is the focus of an investigation by prosecutors in the southern province of Dagestan examining whether the radio service violated laws prohibiting "public incitement of extremist activity through the mass media," the official RIA Novosti news agency reported Aug. 27.

According to two journalists, the pressure on Echo Moskvy intensified after the meeting with Putin. Top government officials reacted angrily to its coverage of the slaying of Magomed Yevloyev, the opposition leader in Ingushetia province who was shot in the head in a police vehicle Aug. 31.

Authorities have maintained that Yevloyev was shot after trying to seize a gun from an officer in the car with him. But opposition leaders say the killing is an example of how the Georgian crisis has emboldened hard-liners in the government apparatus. A colleague of Yevloyev's, Magomed Hazbiyev, was heard on Echo Moskvy accusing the Russian government of committing genocide in Ingushetia and saying that if it continued, "we need to ask Europe or America to have us disconnected from Russia."

Opposition activists said they thought that Murat Zyazikov, the former KGB official who is the Kremlin-appointed president of Ingushetia and has been accused of waging a campaign of abductions and killings against his critics, seized on the Georgian crisis as a chance to move against Yevloyev and others with impunity. Hazbiyev, for example, said Zyazikov's security forces fired machine guns at his home just days after the Georgian war began.

Addressing a news conference on Sept. 5, Zyazikov denied there was any unrest in Ingushetia and accused the United States of trying to "destabilize" the republic just as he said it had done in Georgia.

Hazbiyev and other opposition activists in Ingushetia have gathered tens of thousands of signatures on a petition calling on Medvedev to replace Zyazikov. But Zyazikov is considered a strong ally of Putin's, and there has been no action on the request.

Researcher Anna Masterova contributed to this report.


<       2


More World Coverage

Foreign Policy

Partner Site

Your portal to global politics, economics and ideas.

facebook

Connect Online

Share and comment on Post world news on Facebook and Twitter.

eye on the world

Eye on the World

The week's events from around the world, captured in photographs.

© 2008 The Washington Post Company