Justices arm themselves with activism in Chicago gun ban case
It's about to get easier to shoot people in Chicago.
Actually, it's about to get easier to shoot -- and be shot by -- people in the rest of the country, too.
The robed ones on the Supreme Court left no doubt about that Tuesday morning, making clear that they will strike down the 28-year-old ban on handguns in Al Capone's town. The only questions are: Which legal theory will the pro-gun majority use to arrive at the outcome it desires, and which class of arms -- machine guns, perhaps? -- will it allow Americans to bear next?
The outcome was preordained since the Heller decision in 2008 struck down a similar ban in D.C. Chief Justice John Roberts told James Feldman, Chicago's attorney, that the five-member conservative majority in that case knew just what the Founding Fathers had in mind more than 200 years ago.
"I don't see how you can read Heller and not take away from it the notion that the Second Amendment, whether you want to label it fundamental or not, was extremely important to the framers in their view of what liberty meant," Roberts said.
Feldman, who had the unenviable task of arguing a case that had apparently been decided against him before he opened his mouth, tried gamely to argue that "the reason it was put in the Bill of Rights was because the framers were concerned about the federal government disarming the militia."
Justice Antonin Scalia, who wrote the Heller decision, had a simple response to that: So what? "That may be the reason it was put there. But it was put there. . . . And if it's there, it doesn't seem to me to make any difference why they chose to put that one there."
Those were some rather immodest pronouncements from two jurists who have long claimed the mantle of judicial modesty. Since the founding of the republic, gun laws have been determined by state and local authorities. But now a majority of the court is preparing to take the issue away from state legislators and put it in the hands of unelected judges -- the very definition of judicial activism.
Justice Stephen Breyer needled the majority about its rather situational view of federalism when it comes to "incorporating" the Second Amendment to make it binding on states rather than just the federal government. "Without incorporation, it's decided by state legislatures," he said. "With, it's decided by federal judges."
The justices don't often tip their hands during oral arguments, but after this one, both sides acted as though the court had already issued the order. On the plaza outside, the National Rifle Association's Wayne LaPierre spoke about victory and the Brady Center's Paul Helmke discussed the consequences of defeat.
Moments earlier, Feldman, arguing to keep the Chicago ban, was often reduced to stammering as the justices hectored him. Asked at one point by Justice Anthony Kennedy to provide a precedent, Feldman acknowledged: "I cannot offhand think of a case."
The justices were in spirited form as they debated this core constitutional issue among themselves, more than with the lawyers before them. Breyer spoke about the 18th-century English theorist William Blackstone. Justice John Paul Stevens invoked Justice John Marshall Harlan II.