Bush's Battlefield Envy

But, Woodward writes: "In the interview, he clarified that sentence in his 531-page book, saying that while securing global oil supplies was 'not the administration's motive,' he had presented the White House with the case for why removing Hussein was important for the global economy. . . .

"He said that in his discussions with President Bush and Vice President Cheney, 'I have never heard them basically say, "We've got to protect the oil supplies of the world," but that would have been my motive.'"

As Woodward explains: "Critics of the administration have often argued that while Bush cited Hussein's pursuit of weapons of mass destruction and despotic rule as reasons for the invasion, he was also motivated by a desire to gain access to Iraq's vast oil reserves. Publicly, little evidence has emerged to support that view, although a top-secret National Security Presidential Directive, titled 'Iraq: Goals, Objectives and Strategy' and signed by Bush in August 2002 -- seven months before the invasion -- listed as one of many objectives 'to minimize disruption in international oil markets.'"

Edmund L. Andrews writes in the New York Times: "In an interview timed with the release of his memoir Monday, Mr. Greenspan . . . unleashed bottled-up frustration about President Bush, Vice President Dick Cheney and Republican leaders in Congress who, he contends, put politics ahead of Republican goals like fiscal discipline and lower government spending. . . .

"In the end, he said, 'political control trumped policy, and they achieved neither political control nor policy.'"

Brad DeLong reviews Greenspan's book for the Los Angeles Times and writes: "That Greenspan and other committed small-government Republicans have been horrified at the turn their party has taken and have desperately sought some way to take it back from the cynical media consultants and political hacks who now run things is well-known -- to readers of Ron Suskind's 'The Price of Loyalty' and Bruce Bartlett's 'Imposter' and a host of people who know people who know Bush administration undersecretaries."

Paul Krugman writes in his New York Times opinion column (subscription required) that Greenspan's self-criticism about his support for tax cuts "comes six years late and a trillion dollars short."

And, Krugman writes: "[L]ike enthusiastic war supporters who have started describing themselves as war critics now that the Iraq venture has gone wrong, Mr. Greenspan has started portraying himself as a critic of administration fiscal irresponsibility now that President Bush has become deeply unpopular and Democrats control Congress."

Bush Nominates Mukasey

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Michael Abramowitz, Dan Eggen and William Branigin write for The Washington Post: "President Bush today announced his nomination of retired federal judge Michael B. Mukasey to become the nation's 81st attorney general, moving to install a law-and-order conservative at the Justice Department to help wage the war on terrorism while hoping to avoid a confirmation fight with Senate Democrats. . . .

"In picking Mukasey, Bush sidesteps the uproar that would have erupted in the Senate had he chosen one of the early front-runners, former solicitor general Theodore B. Olson. Some conservatives made clear their puzzlement that Bush was passing over one of their favorites for someone who has been praised by Senate liberals and their allies.

"But the White House apparently decided that Mukasey is conservative enough, and that it is important to restore confidence in the Justice Department as quickly as possible, with a choice that could garner bipartisan support. . . .

Sheryl Gay Stolberg and Philip Shenon write in the New York Times: "Mr. Mukasey's handling of the case of Jose Padilla, an American citizen suspected of membership in Al Qaeda, has attracted particular notice from critics of the Bush administration. Although Mr. Mukasey backed the White House by ruling that Mr. Padilla could be held as an enemy combatant -- a decision overturned on appeal -- he also defied the administration by saying Mr. Padilla was entitled to legal counsel. . . .

"Over the weekend, the White House appeared to be floating Mr. Mukasey's name with conservatives. A sign that he would pass muster with them came Saturday night, when William Kristol, the editor of The Weekly Standard, a conservative magazine, endorsed Mr. Mukasey. . . .

"Still, he has garnered praise in some surprising quarters. Glenn Greenwald, a frequent critic of the administration who writes about legal issues for Salon.com, assessed Mr. Mukasey's part in the Padilla case in an article over the weekend and praised him as 'very smart and independent, not part of the Bush circle.'"

Here's the transcript of the remarks by Bush and Mukasey in the Rose Garden this morning. Here's a White House " fact sheet" on the nominee.

The Washington Post editorial board writes that Olson, the partisan firebrand, "would have restored to the top job at the Justice Department a level of intellectual heft and gravitas that had been absent during Mr. Gonzales's 2 1/2 -year reign of errors."

And The Post worries that Bush has allowed Senate Majority Leader Harry M. Reid (D-Nev.) "to usurp the president's role in choosing a nominee who shares his -- or possibly even her -- ideology and priorities."

Mukasey Gonzales Watch

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One question regarding Mukasey will be what, if anything, he says about his predecessor. So far the answer is not much. While Bush this morning referred to Gonzales as an "honorable and decent man" who "served with distinction," Mukasey, noting that he had received a congratulatory call from Gonzales, simply said "I appreciate his support and encouragement."

Iran Watch

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Helene Cooper writes in the New York Times that Bush used his speech on Thursday "to stress the need to contain Iran as a major reason for the continued American presence in Iraq.

"The language in Mr. Bush's speech reflected an intense and continuing struggle between factions within his administration over how aggressively to confront Iran. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice has been arguing for a continuation of a diplomatic approach, while officials in Vice President Dick Cheney's office have advocated a much tougher view. They seek to isolate and contain Iran, and to include greater consideration of a military strike.

"Mr. Bush's language indicated that the debate, at least for now, might have tilted toward Mr. Cheney."

Thomas Omestad writes in U.S. News: "Amid deepening frustration with Iran, calls for shifting Bush administration policy toward military strikes or other stronger actions are intensifying, including among some U.S. officials. On the Web and through more traditional means, a wave of commentary, analysis, and think-tank studies on Iran policy -- along with rumor, speculation, and possible leaks about military preparations -- has been building through the summer."

Anna Mulrine writes for U.S. News about Sen. Joe Lieberman's bellicose statements during last week's Senate testimony by Gen. David Petraeus. Lieberman "presented what could be regarded as a casus belli when he proclaimed Iran 'responsible for the murder of hundreds of American soldiers and thousands of Iraqi civilians and soldiers.' He cited what he said was military information about three Iranian camps for training Iraqi Shiite extremists just over the border, and he asked Petraeus whether it is 'time to give you authority . . . to pursue those Iranian Quds Force operations in Iranian territory, in order to protect America's troops in Iraq?'

"Petraeus demurred, saying he thought he should keep his sights on Iraq and that any such plans are best left to others. Others, which is to say the top commanders at U.S. Central Command, have drawn up detailed plans for a variety of contingencies involving action against Iran, from cross-border raids to bombing runs against Iran's nuclear infrastructure."

And here's something new from Bush's blogger roundtable. Bill Roggio blogged in the Long War Journal: "On Iran, President Bush acknowledged the theocratic regime is fomenting the Shia insurgency inside Iraq. 'There is no question explosively formed projectiles are funneled from Iran to Iraq. We're going to follow the advice of Ambassador Crocker,' who stated 'you're now on notice.'

"The diplomatic approach has not halted the EFP attacks, President Bush admitted, but he believes this has given the Iranian government pause. 'We will continue to pressure these regimes,' he stated. 'Has it stopped the EFPs? No. Has it got their attention? Yes.'"

On Fox News, Chris Wallace asked Defense Secretary Robert Gates if he would authorize sending troops into Iran in order to "take out these camps that are endangering U.S. soldiers." Gates replied: "I think that the general view is we can manage this problem through better operations inside Iraq and on the border with Iran, that we can take care of the Iranian threat or deal with the Iranian threat inside the borders of Iraq -- don't need to go across the border into Iran." Gates said the administration "believes at this point that continuing to try and deal with the Iranian threat, the Iranian challenge, through diplomatic and economic means is by far the preferable approach."

Wesley Clark writes in a Washington Post opinion piece: "Think another war can't happen? Think again. Unchastened by the Iraq fiasco, hawks in Vice President Cheney's office have been pushing the use of force. It isn't hard to foresee the range of military options that policymakers face.

"The next war would begin with an intense air and naval campaign. . . .

"But if it's clear how a war with Iran would start, it's far less clear how it would end."

Clark concludes that "the big lesson" of history "is simply this: War is the last, last, last resort. It always brings tragedy and rarely brings glory."

Who's Safe?

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David Cole and Jules Lobel, the authors of a new book, "Less Safe, Less Free: Why America Is Losing the War on Terror," write in The Nation that "going on offense" does not work as a counterterrorism strategy.

"Our long-term security turns not on 'going on offense' by locking up thousands of 'suspected terrorists' who turn out to have no connection to terrorism; nor on forcing suspects to bark like dogs, urinate and defecate on themselves, and endure sexual humiliation; nor on attacking countries that have not threatened to attack us. Security rests not on exceptionalism and double standards but on a commitment to fairness, justice and the rule of law. The rule of law in no way precludes a state from defending itself from terrorists but requires that it do so within constraints. And properly understood, those constraints are assets, not obstacles."

Marty Lederman blogs that in their book, Cole and Lobel "argue that the paradigm of prevention, at least as administered over the past few years, has not only undermined fundamental laws and principles, but has also failed as a security matter, leaving us even less safe. Based upon a comprehensive review of the record, Cole and Lobel describe how the Bush strategy has netted few actual terrorists, foiled few actual terrorist plots, seriously limited our long-term security options, hampered our ability to gain the support of others, and fueled terrorist recruitment."

Torture Watch

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Brian Ross, Richard Esposito and Martha Raddatz blog for ABC News: "The controversial interrogation technique known as water-boarding, in which a suspect has water poured over his mouth and nose to stimulate a drowning reflex, has been banned by CIA director Gen. Michael Hayden, current and former CIA officials tell ABCNews.com.

"The officials say Hayden made the decision at the recommendation of his deputy, Steve Kappes, and received approval from the White House to remove water-boarding from the list of approved interrogation techniques first authorized by a presidential finding in 2002.

"The officials say the decision was made sometime last year but has never been publicly disclosed. . . .

"As a result of the decision, officials say, the most extreme techniques left available to CIA interrogators would be what is termed 'longtime standing,' which includes exhaustion and sleep deprivation with prisoners forced to stand, handcuffed with their feet shackled to the floor."

Opinion Watch

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Frank Rich writes in his New York Times opinion column (subscription required): "Mr. Bush, confident that he got away with repackaging the same bankrupt policies with a nonsensical new slogan ('Return on Success') Thursday night, is counting on the public's continued apathy as he kicks the can down the road and bides his time until Jan. 20, 2009; he, after all, has nothing more to lose. The job for real leaders is to wake up America to the urgent reality. We can't afford to punt until Inauguration Day in a war that each day drains America of resources and will. Our national security can't be held hostage indefinitely to a president's narcissistic need to compound his errors rather than admit them."

Thomas L. Friedman writes in his New York Times opinion column (subscription required): "George W. Bush delivered his farewell address on Thursday evening -- handing the baton, and probably the next election, to the Democrats....

"The sad thing for the American people is that we have no commander in chief anymore, framing our real situation and options. The president's description on Thursday of the stakes in Iraq was delusional....

"We also do not have a commander in chief weighing the costs of staying in Iraq indefinitely against America's other interests at home and abroad. When General Petraeus honestly averred that he could not say whether pursuing the surge in Iraq would make America safer, he underscored how much the war there has become disconnected from every conceivable worthy goal -- democratization of Iraq or spreading progressive governance in the Arab-Muslim world -- and is now just about itself and abstractions of 'winning' or 'not failing.'"

Bin Laden Watch

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Osama Bin Laden may be alive and on the loose more than six years after 9/11, but Bush confidante and Undersecretary of State Karen P. Hughes writes in a Washington Post op-ed that -- by golly -- his poll numbers are down.

Movie Night

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Ken Herman of Cox News Service apparently snagged an invite to dinner and a movie last night at the White House. He blogs: "President Bush, Vice President Cheney, their spouses and about 40 invited guests watched a screening of 'The Kite Runner,' a movie that depicts some of the horror and violence in Afghanistan under Taliban rule.

"Khaled Hosseini, author of the best-selling novel, was among those on hand for a film that, for many in the room, served to justify U.S. efforts to oust the Taliban regime after the 9/11 attacks. . . .

"Also on hand were two former key aides who recently left the White House, political adviser Karl Rove and Press Secretary Tony Snow (who was still dealing with moving boxes out of his office after the movie and dinner)."

Cartoon Watch

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Tony Auth, Tom Toles and Ben Sargent on Bush and the war.