By John F. Harris
Washington Post Staff Writer
Saturday, June 27, 1998; Page A01

BEIJING, June 27 (Saturday)—President Clinton ignored a storm of criticism this morning by reviewing People's Liberation Army troops at an official welcoming ceremony in Tiananmen Square, but then rebuked his Chinese hosts by condemning the government's lethal suppression of pro-democracy dissidents here nine years ago.

The day began with the vivid image of Clinton receiving a red-carpet greeting from Chinese President Jiang Zemin on the same vast plaza where Chinese troops crushed student demonstrations in 1989, both men gazing on as goose-stepping soldiers marched past.

Three hours later, Clinton sought to balance what his own advisers acknowledged was unfortunate symbolism by addressing the crackdown in polite but blunt language at a joint news conference, triggering a remarkable series of exchanges with Jiang on democracy and human rights that was broadcast live on Chinese television.

"For all of our agreements, we still disagree about the meaning of what happened then," Clinton said. "I believe, and the American people believe, that the use of force and the tragic loss of life was wrong. I believe, and the American people believe, that freedom of speech, association and religion . . . are the right of people everywhere and should be protected by their governments."

After Jiang said that the Tiananmen crackdown had been necessary for China's stability, Clinton responded by arguing that "I believe stability in the 21st century will require high levels of freedom."

Trying to move past that continuing sore in the relationship, Clinton and Jiang also announced several arms control and other agreements that they said illustrate the benefits of a warmer, more cooperative relationship between the world's most powerful nation and its most populous.

"China and the United States are partners, not adversaries," said Jiang, who added that, from his nation's view, U.S. non-interference in China's relations with Taiwan is "the most important" issue in the relationship.

In other subjects at a wide-ranging news conference, Jiang dismissed as "absurd and ridiculous" and "sheer fabrications" reports under investigation by the Justice Department that China may have tried to buy influence in Washington with surreptitious campaign contributions.

Clinton spoke out on behalf of Tibet, saying that "many Tibetans still revere the Dalai Lama as their spiritual leader." He urged Jiang to open dialogue with the exiled Tibetan leader. Saying he had met

the Dalai Lama, Clinton said, "I believe him to be an honest man . . . and if he had a conversation with President Jiang, they would like each other very much."

The Tiananmen ceremony, which had stirred so much controversy for Clinton in the weeks before his arrival, lasted just 15 minutes. As a martial band played the U.S. and Chinese national anthems, artillery cannons fired a 21-gun salute from the center of the square. "I know that I speak for the vast majority of the American people when I say that this effort to improve and strengthen our relationship is very welcome," Clinton told Jiang shortly after his arrival.

While Clinton aides had resigned themselves to criticism about the symbolism of the president's appearance in the square, they sprinted in the hours beforehand to seal arms-control agreements to help make the administration's case that engagement with China can produce tangible gains.

At their news conference, Clinton and Jiang announced an agreement to "detarget" the nuclear missiles aimed at each other's countries, a largely symbolic step. Among a spate of other announcements, a joint statement also pledged both nations to stiffen export controls on missile technology in South Asia, where India and Pakistan have recently embarked on a nuclear arms race.

The diplomatic advances gave the first substance to a presidential visit that was marked in its first two days by controversy over China's detention of several dissidents at various stops along Clinton's itinerary.

The Clinton administration scolded the Communist authorities for the arrests, which threatened to dominate how the trip was perceived in the United States and cloud the celebration of warmer ties that Clinton is intending.

"People are not debris to be swept up for a visitor," said White House national security adviser Samuel R. "Sandy" Berger, who said U.S. officials had "expressed our concern" to the Chinese government.

Some of the government critics rounded up earlier in the week were released on Friday. Among them was Yang Hai, a student leader of the 1989 pro-democracy movement who was held by police for 26 hours in the ancient capital of Xian during Clinton's visit to the city Thursday and Friday.

For weeks, Clinton has been showered with criticism from Congress and human rights activists for agreeing to what they saw as the sacrilege of a U.S. president being received at a place that has become synonymous with brutal repression of dissent.

But the administration's suggestions for a different venue met with stony resistance from Chinese officials, who made it clear that the symbolism of Clinton appearing at Tiananmen was an issue of paramount importance to them. One senior U.S. official involved in planning the visit said that if Clinton had insisted on avoiding Tiananmen, there would have been no summit meeting.

For all the anxiety U.S. officials expressed about the Tiananmen arrival, Clinton conveyed a placid, casual air throughout the ceremony, which included a parade by soldiers. Clinton smiled, waved to spectators, and chatted pleasantly with Jiang, who occasionally clutched his visitor's elbow as they walked.

The Tiananmen ceremony was far from the only point of protocol on which the U.S. delegation had to yield.

Clinton's aides asked that he be allowed to speak live on television to the Chinese people, as president George Bush did when he was here in 1989. Jiang's government has not approved the request and Chinese officials said there is no plan to approve air time. U.S. officials said the Chinese wanted a pledge that Clinton's speech would not criticize human rights practices here, a condition the White House said it would not abide.

The White House delegation said it wanted to stay in Beijing's China World hotel, but Beijing authorities insisted that the group stay at the government Diaoyutai guest house, protected by armed guards. This location, to which the delegation agreed, makes it harder for Clinton to see unauthorized visitors, including government critics.

Even on smaller points, the Chinese held firm. Adhering to a long-standing, if hard-to-fathom, principle, they would not allow Clinton's Marine One helicopter to fly in China except in case of medical emergencies. This required cancellation of a planned excursion to Suzhou, outside Shanghai, by Clinton next week.

Berger snapped impatiently when asked Friday if all accommodation over such protocol points has been on the U.S. side, and all the steadfastness on the Chinese side. Warning against "making a judgment about what is the net result of the summit on day one," Berger said the Chinese have been more flexible on such things as allowing Secret Service control and access and distributing journalists' visas than on past presidential visits. He did, however, term as "foolish" a Chinese decision to deny visas to three Radio Free Asia reporters hours before Clinton left Washington for China Tuesday.

Beyond such logistical battles, White House officials spent Friday night and this morning scrambling for ways to demonstrate in concrete terms that the summit would yield policy results. They achieved modest results in talks that continued until hours before Clinton and Jiang's meeting.

Administration officials said the detargeting agreements would help reduce the chance of an accidental misfire and make an important symbolic statement that the two nations do not regard each other as enemies. The Chinese have linked this issue to U.S. willingness to adapt a "no-first-use" policy on nuclear weapons, a stipulation that would be at odds with U.S. nuclear doctrine and a point on which Clinton refused to yield. In the end, the Chinese signed onto the agreement, anyway.

The administration could not formally convince the Chinese to join the Missile Technology Control Regime, a pact that requires members to curb trade in missile components. This is an especially sensitive point, since intelligence analysts suspect that China has sold missiles to Pakistan, and congressional critics say Clinton has been insufficiently attentive to China's role in international weapons proliferation.

While China has claimed that it voluntarily abides by the terms of the pact, U.S. officials say its adherence has been ambiguous. The administration did achieve a minor victory, however, when the Chinese agreed to "actively study" whether to sign the pact later this year.

Clinton and the Chinese leader also issued a statement on South Asia in which both sides agree to prevent export of equipment, materials or expertise that would fuel the ongoing nuclear arms race between India and Pakistan. Clinton administration officials said the statement on South Asia was especially important, arguing that Chinese willingness to help defuse the crisis between India and Pakistan is a vivid illustration of regional cooperation that was not possible when Washington and Beijing were at odds.

Clinton also announced agreements to broaden a U.S. program to help train Chinese judges and lawyers, and to cooperate on energy projects designed to move China away from its heavy dependence on burning inefficient coal, which is choking its cities with thick, unhealthful haze.

In his weekly Saturday radio address, the text of which was released in advance by the White House, Clinton hailed what he called the abundant signs of an emerging new China -- "I see cell phones, beepers, new office buildings" -- that he has observed in his few days here.

"China is no longer the same country it was when President Nixon first came here 26 years ago," Clinton said. "Never before have so many Chinese had the opportunity to start businesses, lift their families out of poverty, choose where to live, work, and travel, and enjoy the fruits of their labors. But there's resistance to change -- the legacy of a history that has not always been kind to the Chinese people, and has left a deeply rooted fear of instability."

Even Clinton's own traveling party got a taste of Chinese zeal for control Friday night as Air Force One prepared to depart Xian, the first stop on the tour, for Beijing. A shouting Chinese security official tried to stop two Asian American White House staff valets as they were loading Clinton's garment bags. After a few minutes of confusion, in which U.S. officials insisted the valets were only doing their job, a man whom White House press secretary Michael McCurry called an "overeager" security officer let the valets board the plane.