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N. Viets Demand Aid End

Thuy Outlines Requisites for POW Talks

By Chalmers M. Roberts
Washington Post Staff Writer
June 8, 1971

Paris, June 8 -- The top North Vietnamese representative at the Paris peace talks said today that the prisoner of war issue, properly coupled with a total American withdrawal, could be settled while the Thieu-Ky regime is still in power in Saigon, but he indicated that Hanoi will not agree if the United States intends to continue to arm and support the South Vietnamese.

These points emerged during a 90-minute interview with Xuan Thuy, chief of the North Vietnamese delegation at his suburban Paris headquarters. The veteran diplomat answered a series of questions with a minimum of the political polemics so familiar at the weekly meetings in the Paris forum.

The questions and answers went this way:

Q: You have said the United States should fix a reasonable date for complete and unconditional withdrawal of "all" American forces. Would you clarify the word "all."

When I use the word "all" I mean the totality of the U.S. forces in Vietnam. It includes all kinds of arms--ground, air, naval forces--on the territory, air space, water of Vietnam including U.S. military personnel, American military advisers. We don't have any objections if U.S. planes are based in foreign countries provided that they are not used against Vietnam. The 7th Fleet may be located on the high seas provided it does not violate Vietnamese territorial waters or is used against Vietnam.

The reference to planes based in foreign countries was in response to a query about the U.S. Air Force in Thailand. When he was reminded that his spokesman Nguyen Thanh Le, who was present at today's interview, had mentioned last week American use of both Japan and Okinawa, Xuan Thuy said that was because they had been used in the war against Vietnam.

His response also included a statement that it is for "the scheme of the Nixon administration to seize not only South Vietnam but also to control Laos and Cambodia for the implementation of U.S. policy in these countries and also for encircling the Democratic Republic of (North) Vietnam and also to hold in the American grasp the whole area of Southeast Asia," and some related statements which were not new.

Q: Does the word "all" include both any form of a so called residual force and a military training and assistance group?

A: "These military personnel are included in the word 'all.' "

Q: Does the word also include the forces of South Korea, Thailand, Australia and New Zealand now in South Vietnam?

A: "Yes."

Q: When you said if a "reasonable" date is set for total withdrawal and then the question of American prisoners could be "rapidly" and "easily" settled, are you speaking of those held only in North Vietnam or also in the south in Laos and in Cambodia?

Xuan Thuy replied, in short, that he was speaking of those held in both North and South Vietnam. As to Laos, those captured will be released when all bombing of Laos is stopped. As to Cambodia, that comes under the competence of Prince Sihanouk.

Q: If president Nixon set a withdrawal date to your satisfaction, would the prisoners be immediately released, released only after the end of withdrawal or concurrently at the same pace as withdrawal?

A: Here Xuan Thuy threw up his hands. "I cannot answer for the time being for this is the key to settlement. As long as Nixon does not set a date we cannot go into details of a settlement. The question of prisoners relates to the aftermath."

Q: What would you consider a "reasonable" date for withdrawal give the logistical problem--six months, nine months, one year from the date of an announcement?

A: "A reasonable date was proposed" by the provisional Revolutionary Government which, he noted, on Sept. 17, 1970, had proposed withdrawal by June 30, 1971. "But Nixon did not agree. Let him propose a date. He should set it." When asked if the Vietcong timetable of just over nine months was reasonable, he replied that "I don't precise time right now. Now I'm not willing to mention any time." He revealed that Mr. Nixon had proposed withdrawal in 12 months but Xuan Thuy did not mention that that was a call for North Vietnamese withdrawal from the South as well.

Q: You have repeatedly referred to "two crucial questions" involved in settling the Vietnam problem, the military and the political questions, and have said they are "inseparable." (Xuan Thuy made this statement again at the June 3 Paris meeting.) The political question has been posed as removing the Thieu-Ny regime from office and the formation of a coalition government. Is this political issue also a condition for prisoner release?

A: "The question of the release of prisoners is related only to the military question. This shows our flexibility. It should have been linked to the political question."

Q: But what does "inseparable" mean then?

A: "If we speak of the whole question of Vietnam, of the settlement of the war, of ending U.S. aggression, then the military and political questions should be linked. But if a reasonable date is set the question of prisoners may be settled.

Q: Why do you say "may" and not "will?"

A: Yes, you can put it down 'will be settled.' From now in it is 'will.'"

Q: You know Mr. Nixon has said you have offered only to discuss prisoner release.

A: "Nixon is unwilling to withdraw. Therefore he tries to use one pretext and another. Nixon's allegation about discussing and settling is because he is unwilling to settle. He wants to split hairs.

Q: Still, given a satisfactory withdrawal date, the prisoner issue will be settled even if Thieu and Ky are still in power in Saigon and there is no political settlement?

A: "Right. Moreover, this has been laid down in point one of the PRG program of September, 1970.

Q: How automatic would prisoner release be once a satisfactory withdrawal date is set?

A: "Let Nixon set the date and we will discuss that."

Q: Since you have said withdrawal and prisoner release could be accomplished while Thieu and Ky are still in power, what about military and economic aid from the U.S. to their regime afterwards?

A: "That is the point of linking political and military questions...It should also settle the question of the Saigon administration because suppose the U.S. withdraws but it maintains the Saigon administration and continues to give it military aid and that administration continues to repress the people of the South. We would return to period prior to the introduction of the American expeditionary force. It is what we call neo-colonization, and the U.S. would remain involved in Vietnam."

Q: Then as a condition for prisoner release there must be no such continuing military and economic aid?

Xuan Thuy avoided a direct answer. After the question had been put three times in various formes he said that "I think you should read again the PRG's eight points. It is clearer than my explanation." When the interviewer said the eight points were not all that clear, he took another tack.

"Have you ever asked Nixon these question?" he said. "Nixon has troops there and he wants to control the Saigon administration. So you can get clear answers from him on what are his intentions. I understand he doesn't want a total withdrawal and wants to maintain the Saigon administration."

Q: The impression You have left by you answers is that you are not willing to make a clear differentiation between the miliary and political questions, though the military one is primary. Is that correct?

A: "Quite right" because "A radical thorough settlement" of Vietnam is necessary. "If the U.S. withdraws all its forces but maintained an advisory mission and continued to give military equipment aid to the Saigon administration then the people of the South will continue to oppose the Saigon administration and then the U.S. would have to step up military aid. But Thieu-Ky would not be stable and the U.S. would have to send troops and we would return to the previous situation.

In concluding, Xuan Thuy said that "our desire is a total U.S. withdrawal and a change from the Thieu-Ky regime so the people of South Vietnam can form their own government of their own choice. Then the people of the South will accept American aid on the basis of mutual agreement."

The North, too, he added when asked, would be prepared to establish relations with all countries including the U.S. and to accept aid on the same basis.