By R.H. Melton
Washington Post Staff Writer
Wednesday, March 18, 1998; Page B01

RICHMOND, March 17—Coming off a fractious General Assembly session that showcased their newfound power, Virginia Republicans will now turn their attention to a 20-month campaign to win virtual top-to-bottom control of state politics.

The GOP swept all three statewide offices in November and began to consolidate its gains this session, as Republicans took a majority in the state Senate and reached a power-sharing deal with Democrats in the House of Delegates.

Yet even as the party won passage of conservative initiatives ranging from charter schools to a ban on third-trimester abortions, Republican eyes were pinned on the fall of 1999 and the prospect that their legislators could take authoritative control of the two chambers, where all members will be up for election.

"It's inevitable," predicted a confident Dick Leggitt, a close adviser to Gov. James S. Gilmore III (R) who runs media campaigns for Republicans around the country. "As they say in Texas: That's not brag. That's fact."

To get working majorities in the assembly, Republicans are planning a district-by-district assault against Democratic incumbents and an aggressive pursuit of seats that several aging legislators may vacate. Also, for the first time, the GOP headquarters here is creating a special trust fund dedicated solely to protecting incumbents and capturing open legislative seats.

Chris LaCivita, the party's executive director, announced today that the fund has a goal of raising $125,000 by the end of this year and an additional $250,000 next year.

In many ways, Republicans will focus on a rural strategy, trying to conquer conservative Democrats who have long held sway in southern Virginia. But they also will concentrate on emerging suburbs such as Loudoun and Prince William counties, where tax relief resonates strongly with families.

"We've got the younger legs, a newness and a fresh energy we're bringing to the legislative process," said Sen. J. Randy Forbes (Chesapeake), chairman of Virginia's Republican Party.

No issue had an immediacy like Gilmore's proposal to phase out the annual tax on cars over the next several years, depending on a robust state economy. That issue not only shot Gilmore into the governorship, it set the agenda and tone for much of the session, even up to its final moments tonight.

Lawmakers feasted on other items from the Republican platter. For the first time, GOP members had an actual say in the assembly's election of judges, a reversal of decades of Democratic dominance. On a more mundane but also more lasting level, every single Republican got new respect. For no longer could lobbyists and assembly colleagues get their way merely by talking to senior Democrats.

"Every member was taken ever so much more seriously," said W. Scott McGeary, the lobbyist here for the Northern Virginia Building Industry Association.

Meanwhile, power sharing refreshed older Republicans. Del. Harry J. Parrish (R-Prince William), who turned 76 last month, ascended to the chairmanship of the powerful Finance Committee, which tussled over millions of dollars in the car-tax repeal and school construction issue.

Parrish and others "have a whole new lease on life," said J. Scott Leake, a strategist for Republican lawmakers. "For the first time in their careers, they feel like meaningful players, not just obstructionists or bomb-throwers."

Although Republicans closed ranks to pass utility deregulation and a measure banning physician-assisted suicide, they were deeply divided on some highly visible issues, including a bill passed by both houses to extend insurance benefits to poor children.

Some GOP moderates such as Sens. Jane H. Woods (Fairfax) and John Watkins (Richmond) parted ways with Gilmore on that measure, criticizing his cheaper alternative, which provides less comprehensive benefits, as far too pinched and unfeeling. Gilmore has said he will veto the legislature's plan.

The moderates also had tough words for other Republicans for their flat opposition to such social programs.

"Any party that can't maintain a big tent cannot maintain itself and increase its numbers," said Woods, a point person in the child health care debate. "You've got to expand your horizons if you want this party to survive."

Watkins agreed. "We must reach out to people who are not of the far-right bent," he said.

Capitalizing greatly on a popular incumbent governor can be difficult, as Republicans showed in 1995, two years after the election of George Allen (R). The GOP was a few seats shy of majorities in the Senate and House but managed only a 20 to 20 tie in the Senate and only creeped a bit closer in number to House Democrats.

But in recent months, Republicans won all seven special legislative elections in Virginia and have compiled a superior long-term record on open seats.

"There's a lot of happy talk now about the midterm elections next year," one senior Gilmore adviser said today. "But they are far from a forgone conclusion. To the extent there's an appetite for change, it's working against you."

Leake said he attended a private breakfast this last week hosted by House Republican Leader S. Vance Wilkins Jr. (R-Amherst), who cautioned against activists being cocky as they struggle for majorities.

"People are already thinking about it as if it's inevitable," Leake said. "Though we have had more of the driving-idea agenda, it's not inevitable, but likely."

Yet everyone does agree that the months ahead could hold the key for Gilmore ending his term with a bang, in cooperation with a Republican-dominated assembly.

"The 1999 session is merely an extension of what we've already done," said Del. John H. "Jack" Rust Jr. (R-Fairfax), who emerged this session as a key legislative player and a possible candidate for House speaker should the GOP carry that chamber. "The year 2000 will be the next dramatic step."