There is something different about Jesse L. Jackson's presidential campaign in Maryland this time around. Receding into the background is the evangelical fervor that characterized his 1984 bid, the revivalist spirit that brought thousands of new voters onto the registration rolls.

Instead, with only days remaining before "Super Tuesday," when voters choose candidates and delegates to the national conventions, there is a confidence born of a more professional organization and an expanded base of support.

"There are many people, not just blacks {but} Hispanics and Asians who feel there is a more mature Jesse Jackson," said Rosalie A. Reilly, chairwoman of the state Democratic Party.

For Jackson, Maryland could prove to be a laboratory in which to test his national appeal. In many ways the state is a microcosm of America: It is too far north to play a major role in conservative Dixie Democratic political strategies, yet it shares with the South a certain rural outlook. At the same time, it has a large urban black population, a comfortable percentage of young, upwardly mobile professionals and middle-class families and a substantial bloc of organized labor.

Massachusetts Gov. Michael S. Dukakis and Rep. Richard A. Gephardt (Mo.) "are splitting the white moderate vote, {former senator Gary} Hart and {Sen. Paul} Simon are splitting the liberal vote. Therefore, we have a candidate who could win with 5 to 10 percent," said Rep. Kweisi Mfume (D-Md.), one of Jackson's two state campaign coordinators.

Jackson organizers are working hard to improve on the 27 percent of the vote he got in the state's 1984 primary, when he finished second behind former vice president Walter F. Mondale. They are crisscrossing the state, shoring up weak links in the organization on the Eastern Shore and in Western Maryland and making do with limited appearances by the candidate. Prince George's County, which Jackson swept in 1984 and is expected to carry again on Tuesday, has been virtually ignored so Jackson could concentrate on other parts of Maryland and the South.

Jackson is expected to appear at a rally at 5 p.m. today at Ritchie Coliseum at the University of Maryland in College Park.

If there is a lack of the brand of excitement generated by the 1984 campaign -- where every event had the emotion of a crusade -- supporters and political analysts said, it's because Jackson has put in place a strong, professional organization that stretches beyond the black precincts of Baltimore and Prince George's County.

From the steelworkers hall in Dundalk outside of Baltimore to the plush Tantallon Country Club in Prince George's most exclusive suburb, to the Rosemary Hills Community Center in Chevy Chase, Jackson's campaign is covering new ground. He is making inroads in the Hispanic and Asian communities, among the badly split labor vote and among white voters.

Recent polls have shown Dukakis leading among Maryland Democrats, with Jackson not far behind.

If Maryland voters follow the pattern established in Iowa, Minnesota, New Hampshire and Maine -- where Jackson surprised pollsters and consultants by picking up substantial numbers of white votes -- he should make a strong showing here as well, supporters and Democratic Party officials said.

In addition to Baltimore's predominantly black 7th Congressional District and Prince George's heavily black 5th District, Jackson could pick up support in the 4th District. Although it includes all of traditionally conservative Anne Arundel County, the southern part of Prince George's and parts of Howard County were fruitful areas of support for Jackson four years ago. Jackson also has substantial labor support there from the teachers and government workers unions and has a much stronger network there than four years ago, when he came in third.

Political observers in Maryland said Jackson also is expected to improve his 1984 showing in the 3rd District, which includes parts of Baltimore, Baltimore County and Howard County, and in Montgomery County's 8th District.

Outside of Prince George's and Baltimore, Jackson appears to be expanding his base among whites through his call for economic justice, the message of the growing disparity between the wealthy and the poor and the decline of the middle class. His role as peacemaker among the Democratic candidates in recent weeks and his charismatic appeal also are playing a positive role with voters, experts said.

In Montgomery County, for example, the Jackson For President committee is staffed largely by white volunteers who have met every Thursday for the past three months.

"Many times in 1984, I would be the only white person at a meeting," said Sam Abbott, the colorful former Takoma Park mayor and Jackson delegate candidate. "This time our Jackson committee registered over 1,100 new voters in four weekends in Montgomery County. We have a damn good chance of getting delegates elected in Montgomery."

In Anne Arundel County, where the president of the teachers union and the political director of the American Federation of Government Employees are running as Jackson delegates, supporters believe labor will help bolster the number of white voters who turn out for him.

But others question whether Jackson will get the same margin of support from Maryland's white liberal vote as he did in the midwestern and New England states.

"The only image that Jackson has in Maryland is from 1984. The liberal Democratic vote is substantially Jewish {and} they won't vote for Jesse because of the {Nation of Islam leader Louis} Farrakhan relationship and the New York slur. They will remember that," said Donald P. Hutchinson, former chairman of the state party and a Gephardt supporter.

But Alvin Thornton, Jackson's coordinator in the 5th District, disputed that claim.

"That's inconsistent with everything that has happened nationwide," Thornton said. "The {white} vote that would go to Jesse is not just the liberal vote but the teacher vote, the labor vote."