The far left is in Tregmotle Jr. running for his life in most of latin American Daily in Cuba and in Socialist Guyasa is the left in power, while Socialist [WORD ILLEGIBLE] in Panama said parts of the Caribbean are divided in their economic loyal time.

Prospect for leftist, growth appear all while repression [WORD ILLEGIBLE] at current levels in Brazil, Bolivia Chile, Paragusy, Uruguay and Agenentina. Despite smiles eldes' claims that the repression is [WORD ILLEGIBLE]a strong backline, the depth of feeling is almost impossible to measure so long as speaking up riaks extermination.

There is no question that the left remains organized in these countries, dispesthinating literature and mainting slogans on walls; but even in Argentina the day of large-scale confrontations is over and individual terrorists are being picked off one by one as government agents infiltrate their groups. Any assessment of leftist sentiment will have to await a relaxation of the military pressure, which is frankly aimed at eliminating such sentiment.

Peru, which after 1968 described itself as launching a "Socialist," Christian and humanist" revolution, has dropped the word "Socialist" and made a decided shift to the right under massive economic pressures.

The government has removed and expelled Communist government officers and gutted laws transfering property and industrial ownership to workers.

Leftist parties remain weak in Ecuador and splintered in Colombia. Guerrillas maintain a sporadic level of activity in Colombia and Venezuela, but their impact has never approached levels reached earlier in Uruguay and Argentina and their numbers continue low and stable.

Farther north, critics of Panamanian strongman Gen. Omar Torrijos seem unable to decide whether he is a rightist dictator or a Communist syspathizer. He has expressed sdmiration for Swedish-style socialism, but returned form Cuba shaken by what he told friends was an "un-Latin" regimentation there.

Mexico's one'party democracy remains just about the only place in Latin America currently willing to admit known leftists fleeing from real or imagined threats farther south. Central America remains vocal about alleged infiltration attempts from Cuba and firmly anti-Communist.

What open, serious leftist work there is in the region appears concentrated in Venezuelas' Movement Toward Socialism party and in Guyana, where Prime Minister Forbes Burhnham has constructed the hemisphere's first Socialist state since the fall of Salvador Allende in Chile in 1973.

In those countries and in the budding Socialist-oriented Jamaica of Prime Minister MIchael Manley, the United States in the left's chief devil. Both Manley and Burnham have charged the Central Intelligence Agency with attempting to "destabilize" their governments, and in October Venezuela's MAS joined Cuba's Fidel Castro in denouncing an alleged CIA anti-Castro plot in blowing up a Cubana Airlines jet.

Cuban advisors, aid and friendship have been welcomed in English-speaking Jamaica and Guyana, where the mass of citizens suffer higher unemployment and grinding poverty. Guyana has asked for trade links with Comecon, the Communist common market of which Cuba is a member, but Jamaica's economic ties to the United States and other capitalist economies in the region remain very strong.

Venezuela's President Carlos Andres Perez has long believed that his country should demonstrate that poverty can be eliminated without Socialist methods. Although MAS could make a respectable showing in the 1978 elections. Perez is under no real pressure yet to pay the far left much attention. Instead, he is quietly extending loans and credits to bolster Venezuela's influence, in the Caribbean and Central America and preaching the gospel of nonalignment as the only way for small, weak countries to survive.

Castro, despite his open ties with the Soviet Union, is the chief salesman for that doctrine. Although rightist regimes are forever counting the Cubans in embassies and worrying about subversion, Castro does not appear to have involved his country in guerilla movements in the continent since Che Guevara was killed in Bolivia in 1967.

Meanwhile, the left continue underground and divided across Latin America, waiting to see if its moment will come.

In several Latin American countries, politicians are already speculating on names and drawing up possible rules in the hope that a return to some sort of democracy lies in the future.

That hope got a cold bath at the beginning of this month, when Brazil's president, retired Gen. Ernesto Geisel, closed Congress indefinitely after it blocked government-proposed changes in the judical system that the relatively tame opposition party thought did not go far enough.

But even before Brazil slammed the lid back down, the military rulers' concepts of what civilian rule ought to look like indicated that prospects for real growth and change in South America are probably more likely in the economic field than in the political.

"The politicians never could get together, some of them never spoke up, never offered an alternative and begged us to take over," an Argentine general said recently about the overthrow of President Isabel Peron last year. "Now they want to participate. Well, we'll see."

The two officers echoed a theme cited in nearly every military take-over in Latin America since Brazil's in 1964: The soldiers had to step in to save the people from Marxist subversion, economic ruin and civilian in competence and demagoguery.

In fact, in every country but Paraguay, the military regime's avowed purpose has been to restructure the country from the ground up, creating "a new approach to government that emphasized cooperation and service for the achievement of national goals," in the words of a Peruvian government pamphlet.

Such an approach all but rules out any resumption of the free-for-all political jockeying and compromise that North Americans associate with elections.