A month after Israeli forces declared a unilateral cease-fire after capturing the nearby hills, Tyre shows signs of getting back to normal - at least what passes for normal in Lebanon.
Almost all the Palestinian population of 35,000 and about half the Lebanese community of roughly the same size - most of whom had fled the fighting - have returned to the port city and its outskirts.
Some shops are open.Water and electricity are being restored. Schools have reopened.
But what passes for normality - or has for the past year and-a-half - also means a lack of meaningful Lebanese central government control in this town 12 miles north of the Israeli border.
Even the arrival of some 800 French paratroopers as part of the U.N. peacekeeping force has not tipped the balance perceptibly in that direction.
The French have included Lebanese police in their posts dotted around the Tyre perimeter and the local Lebanese make no secret that they would like the French to do more.
BUT AS A young French officer remarked, "Things are not simple here." Along Tyre's coastal road a long-haired youth equipped with a large Mexican-style straw hat and an Ak-47 asault rifle manned a checkpoint and waved cars on.
"SHow business" the local resident said. The boy - as well as colleagues manning positions at the port and the bridge over the Litani River to the north - are members of the Morabitoun, a Moselm organization that helped terrorize Moslem western Beirut during the 1975-1976 civil war.
Their well advertised presence here is apparently meant to lower the profile of the various Palestinian guerrilla outfits that returned in force after the cease-fire.
But they are the major force - and a source of irritation to the Lebanese, most of whom are members of the Shiite sect of Islam.
At the new office of Fatah - the old one was hit by Israeli gunfire during the fighting - visitors are assured there are no problems with the Lebanese, the United Nations, other commando outfits or within Fatah ranks.
Local residents complain of guerrilla looting - and note wryly that "they even ripped off a Palestinian school."
Still, the Fatah commander is credited with saving the life of a local establishment figure who incautiously organized a demonstration denouncing "armed elements" after the guerrillas' mass return.
More serious was the recent summary execution of a taxi driver who had the misfortune of being confused with a man of similar sounding name who was on a guerrilla black list for collaborating with the Israelis.
Taxi driving - especially through Israeli lines to the occupied lands - appears to be a perilous calling in any case: two weeks ago the Palestinians are said to have slain a driver in the nearby hills and pinned to his chest the curt note - "the price of treason."
COMING ON TOP of the invasion itself these incidents have not endeared the Palestinians to the Shiites.
"Yasser Arafat calls his guerrillas champions," an indignant Shiite said, "but in holding off the mighty Israeli army for eight days, they shot from our villages and scrammed.
"Then the Israeli heavy artillery and fighter bombars went to work and we Shiites lost a good thousand dead, our villages damaged and even destroyed, 200,000 refugees fled north so that the commandos can have good propaganda. The Palestinians are selling southern Lebanon very cheaply to the Israelis."
Yet another source of bitterness locally is the belief that may of the Fatah guerrillas killed resisting the Israeli invaders were Shiites, poor boys from southern Lebanon who had enlisted in the Palestinian cause.
THE SHIITES ARE also critical of the Israelis.
Israeli occupation officials have spent the past month trying to persuade Shiites to accept Israeli arms and military training but, Shiite elders claim, with no success.
"The Israelis call in the mukhtars (mayors) every few days and say 'Why don't you come to our hospitals, visit Jerusalem and Al Aqsa mosque, work in Israel?" a Shiite said. "They want us to get hooked the way the Christians did in their enclaves" along the Israeli border, when the Israelis began allowing traffic back and forth with Israel.
Efforts by Maj. Saad Haddad, a pro-Israeli Lebanese Christian officer, to recruit Shiites into his new "Lebanese army of southern Lebanon" have failed miserably so far.
Shiites recall what happened in Khiam during the Israeli invasion.
Once the Israelis had moved on from that Lebanese border village, which had been a Palestinian stronghold, Christian militiamen massacred some 70 Shiites, mostly old men and women, in the local Mosque.
"When the Israelis are not trying to coax us into accepting their arms and training to fend off the Palestinians, a Shiite said," They're whispering in our ears that after Khiam we had better be armed against the Christians."
"Sometimes they threaten us with pulling out fast," he added. "But we keep saying we'll take our chances and wait for either the U.N. troops or the Lebanese army to take up the slack."
The Israelis have not endeared themselves to the Shiites who have been allowed back into their homes in numbers believed more than 50,000.
"Any time they find arms," a Shiite said. "They blow up the house and in this part of the world many houses have arms, not counting the arsenals which the Palestinians planted on us whether we liked it or not."
In the atmosphere of contempt and distruct here, about the only thing Lebanese and Palestinians can agree on is a belief that the Israeli are not about to get out.
"They're building massive earthworks on the commanding heights," a shopkeeper said, "So why do that if you're about to leave?"
A nastier reality is that Israelis, Palestinians and Lebanese have all lost more than they have gained in the invasion and its aftermath.