Cubans in Africa
The facts are these: In Zaire, the Cubans now have more than 20,000 armed troops plus other support personnel; in Angola - excuse me. They also are deeply involved in the ministries of the Angolan government itself and they have substantial control over the transportation facilities in Angola - the seaports, the airports and so forth.
In the southeasten (northeastern) part of Angola from which the Katangan attack was launched, the Cubans have around 4,000 or more troops. They are a heavy influence both with all personnel in Angola, including the Katangans and also, of course, with the [Agostinho] Neto government [of Angola] itself.
There is no doubt about the fact that Cuba has been involved in the training of Katangan people who did invade. We have firm proof of this fact. And the knowledge that Cuba had of the impending invasion has been admitted by Castro himself. . . .
The fact is that Castro could have done much more had he genuinely wanted to stop the invasion. He could have interceded with the Katangans themselves. He could certainly have imposed Cuban troops near the border, because they are spread throughout Angola, to impede the invasion. He could have notified the Zambian government of this fact. He could have notified the Organization of African Unity. He could have notified the world at large that an invasion designed to cross and to disturb an international border was in prospect. And he did not do any of these things.
At the present time, Mr. Castro has still not condemned the invasion of Zaire by the Katangan rebels. So there is no doubt in my mind that just on the basis of these facts alone my statement is true. Rather than look backward, I would like very much for Castro to pledge himself and for the Neto government in Angola to pledge themselves to prevent any further crossing of the Angolan border which would permit future invasions of Zaire. . . .
I think any military disturbance in Africa when exacerbated by the intrusion of foreign troops and weapons tends to spill over across other borders. One of the things that made it so important to draw the line on Cuba and hopefully the Katangans in the future in the violation of Zairean borders was that principal of leaving those international borders undisturbed. . . .
Our only involvement has been for the Shaba Province in the southern part of Zaire to try to stabilize the situation there. As you know, we only provided logistical support to other nations; we have not provided any troops and don't intend to. So that is the limit of our involvement and I don't think we will go any further than that. Arms Embargo on Turkey
The most immediate and urgent foreign policy decision to be made by the current legislative session is in lifting the arms embargo against Turkey. The points that the Congress intended to underscore three years ago, when the embargo was imposed, have all been made, but now the embargo is not contributing to a settlement of the Cyprus dispute, nor is it helping to improve our relationship with our allies, Turkey and Greece. It has driven a wedge between those two countries and has weakened the cohesion and the readiness of NATO. It has thereby harmed our own national security interests in the eastern Mediterranean, an area which is crucial to the defense of the southern flank of Europe and also our own access, and that of others to the Middle East.
It is important to implement an effective policy in this area of the eastern Mediterranean, Greece, Turkey, Cyprus area. We have three purposes, all of which are equally important: first to serve U.S. and NATO security interests, as well as the security interests of Greece and Turkey as nations; second, to improve the relationship between Greece and Turkey; and third, to facilitate progress toward a Cyprus settlement.
I am asking the Congress to support me in enacting the full program, which, in addition to removing the embargo against arms sales to Turkey, provides for military sales credits to both Turkey and to Greece, provides for economic aid to Turkey, and provides further funds for relief and rehabilitation for refugees in Cyprus.
Both Greece and Turkey are valuable friends and allies of our own. Lifting the embargo is essential to our hopes for peace and stability in the eastern region of the Mediterranean. I hope that the American people and the Congress will give me their support in the realization of U.S. interest in this critical area of the world . . . Proposition 13
One of the reasons for the decision made by the citizens of California is that property taxes there are very high compared to those in other parts of the nation, most other parts of the nation. The property valuations have increased rapidly and the taxes levied have increased rapidly. That, combined with the well-known fact that the state government had accumulated four and a half or five billion dollars or so in surplus funds I think combined to increase the desire of the California people to impose this limit on property taxes. Those factors would be unlikely to prevail in other states of the nation at this time . . .
There will be some indirect impact on the federal government now and more direct influence in the future, because there is no doubt about the fact that unemployment will go up in California, as government workers are laid off because of stringent budget requirements, and, of course, our employment compensation payments will have to increase.
Also, I think we have about 50,000 CETA jobs, Comprehensive Education Training Administration jobs, worked out jointly with local governments. Many of those may be in danger.
We have no way yet to anticipate what other consequences will accrue. But all of us are concerned about the budget levels, about unnecessary spending, about more efficient operation of government and about lower taxation. These were proposals that have already been made by us here in Washington. But I think they strengthen support now in the Congress for those considerations . . . Inflation
Last week I emphasized how important it is to hold the line on federal budget expenditures, as a series of appropriations bills are considered by the Congress during the next few weeks.
I cannot make this point too strongly, nor repeat it too often, because much of the fight against inflation from the perspective of the federal government, itself, depends on Congress' action in the days ahead. Unless the Congress is responsible, the federal deficit will rise at a time when it must and can be reduced. Unless the Congress shows restraint in spending, it will set the worst possible example for our workers and businessmen whom I have asked to restrain their own wage and price increase in order to hold down inflation.
Unless we recognize the limits on our ability to spend in the federal government, then both American citizens and those in foreign countries will see that we cannot take the difficult decisions that are necessary if inflation is to be controled.
I am concerned in particular at this time about the Public Works appropriations bill that the House will begin voting on tomorrow. That bill, as passed by the Appropriations Committee would add not only $1.4 billion in spending over the life of 46 new water projects, but it also continues spending for the unsound water projects which the Congress agreed not to fund until last year.
It would waste far too much of our taxpayers' money and we just can't afford it. With the help of many of the House members who are also concerned about the inflationary impact of the Public Works bill, we will be working to eliminate the unnecessary spending proposals for water projects in that bill.
Unless they are all eliminated, I intend to veto it.