The primary source of Lloyd Cutler's income has been his law firm, Wilmer, Cutler & Pickering: $318,277 in 1978 and $173,000 in the first half of 1979, according to his official disclosure report. For the same period, the report, required by the Ethics in Government Act, also dividends of between $4,512 and $17,500 on securities valued at "over $250,000."
The report puts no exact figures on the assets of Cutler and his wife, Louise, because it only requires them to be valued in wide dollar ranges, such as $50,001 to $100,000. But the couple's net worth, taking into account liabilities of roughly $31,000 to $105,000 appears to between $1 million and $2 million.
The assets include a suburban Kenwood home in the over-$250,000 bracket, "works of art and jewelry" worth between $100,001 and $250,000, and Cutler's "capital account," or stake in Wilmer, Cutler. The account will be liquidated after he severs his ties with the firm in a few weeks to go to the White House. At that time he also will draw a substantial sum from the firm's retirement plan.
The income and wealth haven't been plums lazily picked off a tree. Until July 1, when Cutler was named to the unsalaried post of special counsel on the strategic arms limitation treaty, he had been putting in more than 2,000 "chargeable" hours a year, about 200 more than the average for the firm.
In addition, Cutler has done "as much free work as any lawyer in town," according to Charles R. Halpern of the Center for Law and Social Policy. One of the beneficiaries, in a case involving this reporter, was the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press. Cutler carried the case to the Supreme Court, which declined to review an adverse decision by the U.S. Court of Appeals here.
As if all of this didn't keep him busy enough Cutler has been a director of eight nonprofit organizations. One is the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, which was formed in 1963 at President Kennedy's request and of which Cutler is a past cochairman. Some committee targets turned out to be Wilmer, Cutler client corporations. In a few cases, their general counsels complained to Cutler, but, he says, he simply heard them out.
The other nonprofit groups are the Mexican-American Legal Defense Fund, the American Academy of Political and Social Science, the American Law Institute, the Brookings Institution, the Council on Foreign Relations, the Foreign Policy Association and the Metropolitan Opera Association.
In 1973, with Kingman Brewster, then president of Yale, Cutler planned and ran a campaign to raise $370 million for his alma mater. The campaign ended two months ago after exceeding its goal by $4 million.
Yet he has found time for diverse other activities: family (the Cutlers have four grown children), recreational (he's an avid tennis player), teaching (at Yale's School for Organizational Management), professional (especially in the American Bar Association), social (his admiring friends include columnists James Reston and Joseph Kraft), and advocacy (he was one of the lawyers who led an effort in 1971 to bring American troops home from Vietnam by year's end and he has urged several innovative -- and sometimes hotly controversial -- ideas in articles in legal, business and lay publications.
Over a period of nearly 40 years, Cutler has become expert in the workings of government, mainly by participating in it. He was one of the Democrats to make President Nixon's "enemies list."
He took his first assignment in 1942 when, before joining the Army as a private, he served as deputy chief of a Lend Lease Administration mission to French North Africa.
In 1945, the State Department named Cutler assistant foreign liquidation commissioner for Latin America. In 1952 he was staff adviser to the so-called Brownell Committee on operation and organization of government communications intelligence activities. In 1961-62 he headed a Federal Aviation Administration committee on the making and enforcement of rules for air safety.
But it was the horros of 1968 -- the assassinations of Robert F. Kennedy and Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., the rioting in Washington, Newark and Detroit -- that led to his most challenging mission up to that time: the executive directorship of the National Commission on the Causes and Prevention of Violence.
In 1977, President Carter appointed Cutler as the American negotiator in a dispute with Canada over reciprocal fishing arrangements for the territorial waters of both countries.
Last spring, Defense Secretary Harold Brown asked Cutler to become undersecretary for policy, a post in which he would start to deal -- past the midpoint of the Carter administration -- with such cosmic issues as the nation's strategic, posture, targeting of nuclear missiles and SALT.
Cutler turned down the offer. "It looked to me too difficult to do this late in the day," he said in an interview.
In turning down the undersecretary post, however, Cutler recalled to a reporter, he told Brown that the administration's effort to get the Senate to ratify SALT II "needed some sort of 'trial counsel' to help organize testimony, seek understanding about the relationship between SALT and defense spending" and the like. "I said I would be willing to do that,' Cutler said.
At the beginning of July, Secretary of State Cyrus R. Vance, a friend from their days at Yale, asked Cutler to take the post of SALT special counsel saying that the president, national security adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski and Brown all had approved.
A few days later, Clark M. Clifford, the Washington lawyer who was President Truman's White House counsel and one of President Johnsons secretaries of defense, urged Carter, Jordan or Powell -- he said he's not sure which -- to bring Cutler into the White House.
"The president should reach out to get the best he can get," Clifford said. Speaking both of grave domestic issues, such as inflation and unemployment, and of foreign policy, he said that Cutler would have a stabilizing and "a definite strengthening impact on the administration."
Five days later Carter called in Cutler to ask him to take the post.
For a week, Cutler said, he weighed his choices. "The question I kept asking myself was, paraphrasing Alfred Jahn, 'What am I saving myself for?'"
On Aug. 16, Cutler returned to the White House to say he would accept. for the delegation of Chad were also inexplicably empty.
Except for Tito, Castro -- with 20 years in power -- has the greatest longevity of the leaders.
Dressed in familiar olive green, jabbing his finger in the air for emphasis, Castro acknowledged that some might find his speech "undiplomatic."
Among those who did was U.S. diplomat Wayne Smith, who recently was appointed to head the U.S. mission here. Smith got up and left early in the speech, immediately after Castro charged that the United States had never felt it necessary to apologize for numerous assassination attempts against him.
The Chinese ambassador, whose country came in for harsh Castro criticism, also walked out on the speech.
Egyptian Foreign Minister Butros Ghali, heading his country's delegation in the absence of President Anwar Sadat, immediately asked for the right to reply as Castro finished what Ghali called a speech full of "injurious, rude and unfounded accusations" against Egypt.
As Castro chuckled from his seat, outgoing movement chairman Junius Richard Jayewardene, the president of Sri Lanka, said he was sure the new Cuban chairman would give everyone an opportunity to speak during the four-day meeting.
Yugoslavia's Tito, given a front-row seat as one of the movement's founders, is cast as Castro's main opponent in what many see as a battle for the nonaligned movement's leadership. He sat impassively through most of the speech, which one Yugoslav delegate later characterized as "brutally frank."
Many agreed that, despite what they thought of his views, Castro had "laid the cards on the table" concerning the issues that threaten to divide the 94 nonaligned nations. While other delegations tend to talk in euphemisms and what one representative called "nonaligned slang," Castro did not pull any punches.
Others argued, however, that what they thought was supposed to be a ceremonial and unifying speech by the new chairman turned into a polemical statement on Cuba's history, its view of the world and its foreign policy.
Recounting what the nonaligned movement considers recent member successes, Castro noted that "Mozambique, Angola, Guinea-Bissau, Sao Tome and the Cape Verde Islands are now free. Vietnam is united and free. The shah (of Iran) is no longer the shah," he said to delegate laughter and applause.