When Richard V. Allen signed on to work with Henry Kissinger on the national security staff in the Nixon administration, the two men did not get along, and Allen left less than a year into Nixon's first term. Today, though, the 44-year-old Notre Dame graduate who has been Ronald Reagan's chief foreign policy adviser says he and Kissinger are in accord. "We see the world approximately the same way," Allen said this summer.
Allen, who has worked at Stanford University's Hoover Institution, a rightwing think tank, and now has his own international affairs consulting firm, got involved in controversies over his dealings with Robert Vesco and other business dealings and withdrew from Reagan's campaign last week. Yesterday Reagan rehabilitated him and Allen may well be in line for the job Kissinger once held. Kirkpatrick
Jeane Kirkpatrick, a Georgetown University political scientist, is among the leaders of the Coalition for a Democratic Majority, an assemblage of center-right Democrats who believe, as she puts it, that "the Carter administration has given us a brand of McGovernism without McGovern that is, at best, only slightly less objectionable than the authentic, orginial product."
That attitude led Kirkpatrick, 52, to sign on last spring as one of the academicians advising Reagan on foreign policy and national security matters. Although her influence in the Reagan camp has been unclear, some Republican sources think her credentials as a respected academician, nominal Democrat and a woman would make her a logical candidate for appointment to a highly visible post such as United Nations ambassador in a Reagan administration. Stone
Richard B. Stone, elected to the Senate as a Democrat from Florida in 1974, was one of Jimmy Carter's earliest supporters. But, by last month, when Stone was defeated in the primary, relations between the senator and the White House had cooled considerably.
That was due primarily to the foreign policy positions taken by Stone, who, as an outspoken supporter of Israel, opposed many administration moves in the Mideast, including the decision to sell advanced jet fighters to Saudi Arabia.
Stone, 52, has attacked Cuban President Fidel Castro and demanded a stronger U.S. naval presence in the Caribbean. He also has criticized Carter's attempts to cultivate radical leftist groups in Central America. Ford
Gerald R. Ford, 67, the only American to hold office as an appointed president, for a few hours during the Reublican National Convention last July appeared to be turning into an unprecedented candidate for "co-president" with Ronald Reagan. That concept, which Reagan never intended, sank of its own weight.
Ford, who had steadfastly ruled out a standard vice presidency, turned into an intense campaigner for Reagan, his longtime political foe inside the GOP. Having contributed to the kind of dazzling victory which Ford vainly yearned to achieve over Carter in 1976, Ford now supplies a Republican mantle of elder statesmanship to the shaping of a Reagan foreign policy. Rostow
Two weeks ago, Eugene Victor Rostow held a news conference in Washington to explain "why a devout Democrat like me is speaking for Gov. Reagan."
"I am supporting the Republican ticket," said the man who was undersecretary of state for three years under President Johnson, "because I am immensely concerned about the risks of war. I don't agree with Gov. Reagan on a number of domestic issues. But the problems of preserving the peace . . . are infinitely more important than all our other problems put together."
Brooklyn born and Yale educated, the 67-year-old Rostow is a man to watch during the transition because his hawkish views on defense and foreign policy make him the kind of Democrat that Reagan advisors say they are looking for as prospects to bring into the new administration. Armstrong
It is hardly news that people are talking about Anne Armstrong as a potential candidate for a top job in the new Republican administration, because the friendly, politically savvy Texan held senior posts under the last two GOP presidents. A 53-year-old Vassar graduate, she held Cabinet rank as a counselor to Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford, and was abassador to Great Britian under Ford.
She has actively worked to get woman involved in politics and has advocated the Equal Rights Amendment. This year, as cochairman of the Reagan-Bush campaign, she continued to speak for women's rights but did not openly challenge the GOP platform on ERA.
While she accepted the transition post, Armstrong says she would not want to leave Texas for a position in the Reagan administration. Kissinger
Henry A. Kissinger, 57, a unique figure in American foreign policy in or out of office, has traveled full circle with Reagan Republicanism. As President Ford's secretary of state, Kissinger was a prime target of the right wing in 1976 for his pursuit of American-Soviet "detente." The president-elect now has committed himself to the Kissinger principle of "linkage" -- the concept that issues are interrelated -- in all relations between the United States and the Soviet Union. Reagan also has said he will give cear primacy to the secretary of state over national security adviser. After holding both posts simultaneousdly during portions of the Nixon and Ford administrations, Kissinger in retrospect has renounced the practice. Tower
John Goodwin Tower, 55, has been one of the mainstays of conservative Republicanism in the Senate since 1961, when he emerged from the obscurity of teaching history at a small Texas college to win the Senate seat vacated by then-Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson.
Since then, Tower has been a major factor in turning once solidly Democratic Texas into a state that has tilted increasingly toward the Republican column in state and national elections.
In a hard-fought election two years ago, Tower turned back a serious challenge from former Democratic congressman Bob Krueger; and in the new Republican-dominated Senate, Tower will be chairman of the powerful Armed Services Committee -- a post from which he will be able to push his calls for stronger U.S. military power. Haig
Though he has never commanded a full army in battle, Alexander Meigs Haig, 55, is probably the most widely known American general of the past decade. Only a dozen or so years ago, he was a bright but unknown colonel working in the Pentagon. Four years later, he was a four-star general, having spent most of the interim as assistant to then White House national security adviser Henry Kissinger. When the Nixon White House began to crumble, Haig, by then the Army vice chief of staff, came back as Nixon's chief of staff into a role of global interest.
As a NATO commander under President Ford, Haig earned great respect among European leaders. He became critical of President Carter, retired from the Army, thought briefly about a run for the presidency and decided instead to become chief operating officer of United Technologies Corp. Rumsfeld
"The presidency of Jimmy Carter has been one enormous mistake . . . that we in this hall . . . must not allow to be repeated." That seemed like a brash statement to be coming from the young, athletic-looking figure addressing the Republican convention.
But Donald Rumsfeld has accumulated more than a reputation for toughness. At 47, he has accumulated what for others would be a lifetime's worth of accomplishment in GOP circles. A three-term congressman from Illinois, he became U.S. ambassador to NATO under President Nixon, White House chief of staff and then secretary of defense under President Ford, and since 1977, the president of the big pharmaceutical firm of G.D. Searle. Rumsfeld's experience, therefore, is wide and so, some of his associates say, is his ambition, raising speculation that he may move back into politics at some point. Clements
The story of William P. Clements is not quite one of riches to rags, but it is one of a Texan who made millions selling oil-drilling equipment here and in the Middle East and then jumped into the top rungs of civil service.
In 1972, he was brought to Washington by Richard Nixon as deputy secretary of defense. He quickly made a name for himself as a rough-and-tumble hardliner among the more worldly civilian folk who influence U.S. military policy.
In 1978, after having returned to Texas, Clements, 63, became that state's first Republican governor in a century in a lavishly financed campaign. He played a key role in delivering that state to Reagan this year, pointing out that "no Democrat has been elected to the presidency in this century without carrying Texas." MeCloy
John J. McCloy, 80, is sometimes described, and with cause, as "the Godfather" of the Eastern Liberal Establishment, a term that is an anathema to the Republican right. His career has been for more than a generation at or very near the pinnacle of law, banking, government service and international affairs.
Few Americans have covered a greater span of activities, including the posts of assistant secretary of war (1941-45); president of the World Bank (1947-49); U.S. military governor and high commissioner for Germany (1949-52); chairman of the board, Chase Manhattan Bank (beginning in 1953); coordinator for U.S. disarmament activities (1961-63), and chairman of the President's Advisory Committee on Arms Control (1961-1974). Weinberger
"Cap the Knife" they called Caspar W. Weinberger in the Nixon administration, where he displayed a noticeable zeal for budget-cutting as director of the Office of Management and Budget and secretary of health, education, and welfare. He authored a budget-cutting plan in Sacramento, too, when he served as Reagan's first finance director
In the 1980 campaign, though, Weinberger is said to have been a moderating force, arguing against some of the deep spending slashes more conservative advisers wanted Reagan to propose. The 63-year-old business executive from San Francisco clearly has Reagan's ear -- the president-elect calls him "my Disraeli" -- and he is probably as good a bet as anyone for a Cabinet office or economic advisory position in the Reagan administration. Jackson
In an era when congressmen are being roundly criticized for being weak and without character, Sen. Henry M. Jackson has won a reputation as a man who takes strong positions and sticks with them.Perhaps that is because Jackson has become a leading spokesman on Capitol Hill for some of the strongest interest groups around.
In recent years he has turned his formidable legislative talents to the aid of the Pentagon, Israel, the nuclear power industry and American arms companies. After nearly 28 years in the Senate, "Scoop" Jackson's support for a bigger military budget and a firm position with the Soviet Union has set him apart from his more dovish liberal colleagues. But Jackson has on occasion redeemed his liberal credentials by backing environmental causes and by periodic ruthless attacks on "windfall profits" of the major oil companies. Shultz
When Richard Nixon came to Washington in 1968, he brought with him the former dean of the University of Chicago, George Pratt Shultz. Shultz turned out to be a good bargain. First brought in as secretary of labor, he also served as director of the Office of Management and Budget, then as secretary of the treasury and also as an assistant to the president.
Aside from this domestic record, however, Shultz's potential value to Reagan may well lie overseas, where he is regarded with great respect as a man who understands international finance. Shultz, 59, currently president Bechtel Corp. of San Francisco, is a close personal friend of West German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt and French President Giscard d'Estaing, relationships that could prove of extreme value to a new president with no experience in foreign affairs. Williams
Edward Bennett Williams, 60, is among the most famous trial and appellate lawyers in modern American legal history. Among the famous and infamous whom Williams has represented successfully in courts are Frank Costello, James R. Hoffa, Adam Clayton Powell and John B. Connally.
More recently, Williams has become one of Washington's busiest men of affairs -- senior partner of a prominent, high powered law firm, owner of the Baltimore Orioles baseball team, president of the Washington Redskins football team and former treasurer of the Democratic National Committee.
Last summer, Williams led the unsuccessful move for an open Democratic convention in what was widely interpreted as an attempt to shunt Carter aside and give the nomination to Williams' close friend, Secretary of State Edmund S. Muskie. Casey
A 67-year-old New York tax lawyer who was chairman of the SEC under Richard Nixon, William Casey is a talkative, hail-fellow-well-met type who failed in his own attempt to win a seat in Congress years ago and has since concentrated on the management of political campaigns. He took over the Reagan-for-President effort last winter when Reagan fired John Sears. After the convention, however, much of the day-to-day control was taken over by Stuart Spencer, a old political pro whom Casey brought into the campaign.
Casey describes himself as a strong conservative, but he is a pragmatic politician. At the GOP convention this year, according to other Reagan aides, he was one of the strongest proponents of the idea that Reagan should try to convince Gerald Ford to join the ticket. Laxalt
Unlike some neighbors who build fences between them, Ronald Reagan and Paul Laxalt became good friends beginning in 1967 when Reagan was governor of California and Laxalt governor of Nevada. The two have been close since, sharing conservative views and political instincts.
Laxalt, son of an immigrant Basque sheepherder, went on to the Senate in 1974. In 1976, he convinced a reluctant Reagan to challenge President Ford for the GOP nomination and then ran his campaign, as he did again this year. Laxalt has always been a key man for Reagan, forging links to Congress and placing his name in nomination at the 1980 GOP convention. He led the unsuccessful fight in Congress against the Panama Canal treaties, but managed the battle skillfully, without arousing much too much hostility directed at him personally. Meese
"Reagan's Hamilton Jordan" has been the short-hand description of Edwin Meese II, and while the paunchy, 48-year-old San Diego law professor will probably not compete with Jordan's reputation as a bon vivant, he is likely to end up with a chief-of-staff job in the White House somewhat like the role Jordan fills for Jimmy Carter.
Anything but an ideologue, the soft-spoken Meese served Reagan in Sacramento as a coordinator who gathered various proposals, summarized them, and helped Reagan decide among them. He has strong personal loyalty to the president-elect. "The only reason I'm in this is Ronald Reagan," he says. "Politics is not my bag."
And Reagan, for his part, when asked to name the first person he would turn to when dealing with a tough problem, replied without hesitation: "Ed Meese." Lewis
In the world of Texans and Californians surrounding Ronald Reagan, Drew Lewis is one of the odd men out, a Main Line Philadelphian whose political ties go to the eastern, big-business wing of the Republican Party. The wealthy employment agency president ran unsuccessfully for governor of Pennsylvania in 1974, but most of his political life has been spent on organization and campaign management.
Lewis was close to outgoing Pennsylvania Sen. Richard Schweiker. That friendship was strained in 1976 when Schweiker signed up as Reagan's running mate while Lewis worked for President Ford. This year, though, Lewis has worked for Reagan. He played a moderating role this summer during the effort by some right-wing Reagan associates to dump middle-of-the-road party chairman Bill Brock. Baker
If proof is needed that Ronald Reagan does not hold political grudges, the presence of James A. Baker III on his campaign staff and, now, on his transition committee should be convincing evidence. The tall, amiable Texas lawyer masterminded the delegate-gathering effort in the 1976 campaign of Gerald Ford and helped Ford edge out Reagan for the Republican nomination that year. Baker spent most of the past two years managing George Bush's drive to deny Reagan the nomination this year.
But then Baker was asked to join the Reagan team, where he handled a number of management problems. He was Reagan's chief negotiator in the long back-and-forth over presidential debates this fall. Baker is a low-key, hard-working individual who handles delicate political chores with no visible signs of agitation. Orr
Verne Orr is a soft-spoken numbers wizard who served as Reagan's third budget director, succeeding Caspar Weinberger in that role. He quickly earned the respect of Reagan and the California state bureaucracy for his grasp of the technical details of budgeting, and was the man who persuaded Reagan to drop his opposition to state income tax withholding in the early 1970s.
A friendly, self-effacing man, Orr served as controller of the Reagan-for-President campaign and was influential in helping to trim expenses last winter when the campaign threatened to exceed the federal spending limits.
Orr was appointed as a regent of the University of California system by Gov. Edmund G. (Jerry) Brown in 1977. Deaver
At one-time barroom piano player, Michael K. Deaver, 42, entertained the Reagan campaign plane on an electric piano during long trips this fall. But he also served as a trusted trouble-shooter on the campaign, a job he had filled on Reagan's staff in Sacramento. He is sensitive to Reagan's moods, and he and his wife, Carolyn, are close to the president-elect's wife, Nancy.
A friendly sort with a ready smile, Deaver gets along with just about everyone on Reagan's staff and in the press corps. He is often called upon to deal with sticky personnel or political problems. Like many Reagan aides, he shares the president-elect's enormous confidence in Reagan's skill as a public speaker. Deaver owns a public relations firm with Peter Hannaford, another Reagan confidant. Timmons
Perhaps the consummate "old Washington hand" in the Reagan transition apparatus is William E. Timmons, a well-known, well-versed political pro who has worked on House and Senate staffs, in the White House, and for the past four years, as head of his own lobbying firm here.
Timmons, 49, who directed convention operations for Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford in earlier campaigns, served as chief White House liaison with Congress under those two presidents. His firm represented, among others, Chrysler Corp, Standard Oil of Indiana, and the National Rifle Association on pending legislation in Congress. Known and liked by Republicans in Washington and around the country, Timmons serves as a political bridge between Reagan's California cohorts and the rest of the GOP. Wirthlin
If Ronald Reagan decides to keep a sort of "house pollster" the way Jimmy Carter used Patrick Caddell, the obvious candidate for the job will be 49-year-old Richard Wirthlin, a former economics professor at Brigham Young University who has tracked opinion for many Republican politicians and has worked with Reagan for more than 10 years.
Wirthlin emerged as one of the strategic heroes of the 1980 Reagan campaign, for it was he, reportedly, who argued forcefully that the conservative Republican could do well among blue-collar voters if he made a strong effort to win them. Reagan took that advice, if paid off, and by the end of the campaign Wirthlin's polls indicated -- accurately, as it turned out -- that Reagan would run even better with Carter in the traditionally Democratic sector of the electorate. Anderson
"The war on poverty is over for all practical purposes," writes Martin Anderson in a new essay. "We should now begin . . . to eliminate unnecessary programs." The assertion seems a good rough summary of the views of Reagan's top domestic policy adviser.
Anderson, 44, a scholar at Stanford University, was the "house intellectual" of the Nixon administration and has been credited with selling Nixon on the idea of the all-volunteer Army. That proposal reflects the almost libertarian dimension of Anderson's belief that government should leave people alone (he also opposes, on principle, government regulation of abortion and marijuana).
Anderson may be in line to be Reagan's Stuart Eizenstat, but in the past he has served more as a thinker and idea man than as a referee among competing bureaucracies. James
Since just after Labor Day, a small group of people has been working in a walk-up office in Old Town Alexandria planning for a Reagan administration. Among them was E. Pendleton James, a 50-year-old personnel expert who has compiled a basic talent bank of executives the president-elect can draw on for the 2,700 appointive jobs he will fill. Now James will direct the talent scout operation at the Reagan transition office downtown.
A graduate of University of the Pacific, James has worked as a corporate personnel officer for Aerojet General Corp. After a term as a recruiter for his own executive recruiting firm, Pen James, Inc., in Los Angeles. Reagan's advisers want him to focus on the business world to find people to join their effort to reshape the government.